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231.
Bill Henry 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2018,24(5):458-478
ABSTRACTRecent decades have seen the emergence of social cognitive models of interpersonal aggression. These models, which have focused primarily on childhood aggression, have been the subject of extensive theoretical, methodological, and empirical attention. More recently, researchers have used social cognitive models to address adult interpersonal aggression as well as child abuse and neglect. This article will discuss the ways in which researchers can potentially extend this model to understand the abuse and neglect of animals. After a brief review of the literature on social-information processing, schemas, and normative beliefs about aggression, I will apply these mechanisms and findings to what we know about animal cruelty. I will also use current social cognitive models of aggression to describe potential directions for future research within the field of animal abuse and neglect scholarship. 相似文献
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After many years without substantial activity in immigration policy, the German Red–Green government which came to power in 1998 introduced an American-style Green Card and a new citizenship law. From these beginnings, the immigration reform campaign captured the public imagination, and for two years a broad spectrum of figures from German public life took part in a lively debate on the issue. A law was eventually adopted by parliament and promulgated in spring 2002, but – in the wake of a voting scandal in the Bundesrat – it was struck down by the Federal Constitutional Court weeks before its scheduled entry into force. This report recounts the story of the now defunct immigration law and seeks to shed valuable light on German politics by analysing what the key differences were that divided the main political parties. 相似文献
235.
Henry B. Loewendahl 《German politics》2013,22(1):89-105
In the 1990s German conglomerates have attempted to move towards Anglo‐Saxon business values. Siemens saw shareholder value as the key measure of competitiveness. To become more Anglo‐Saxon, the strategy of Siemens was to globalise its business and change corporate culture. These changes have proved to be insufficient. Vertically integrated conglomerates need to break up their business empires, focus on their core competencies and move towards de‐integrated networking relations if they want high stock‐market performance. 相似文献
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The Evolution of the CPC’s Conception of Association and Regulation of Social Organizations in China
Jun Yu Henry Hailong Jia Danqiu Lin 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2018,31(4):929-955
Freedom of association and all institutions coming with it have not been accepted by the Chinese government. Instead, Chinese social organization administration is based upon the concept of association held by the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Chinese government had adopted a “total control” model of social organization administration in the era of totalitarianism before the “Opening-up and Reform”, leaving almost no room for social organizations to survive, because the CPC had regarded social organizations as “revolutionary” and “deconstructive”. The Chinese has adopted a graduated control system to administrate social organizations in the era of authoritarianism after the “Opening-up and Reform”, treating social organizations differently according to their threats to the ruling order and their utilities for economic development, because the CPC has viewed social organizations as a “challenging” but “auxiliary” power. The on-going “innovation of registration and administration of social organizations” is not a return to international standard regarding social organization administration in China, but only partial reform of the graduate control system still based upon the CPC’s conception of association as “challenging” but “auxiliary”. Social organizations capable of providing public goods in areas of economic development and social services are given more favorable treatment by the government while political and religious organizations are still tightly controlled by the government. 相似文献
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A deferred prosecution agreement, or DPA, allows a corporation, instead of proceeding to trial on a criminal charge, to settle matters with the state by acknowledging the facts on which any charge would be based, pay a reduced fine, and agree to change the way they conduct business. Critics of DPAs have suggested that, because the defendant corporation must pay a fine and submit to structural reform without having been found guilty at trial, DPAs violate the Presumption of Innocence. This paper argues that they do not. The paper appeals to the role of civic trust in a liberal political community. The obligations a corporation assumes in a DPA can be framed as a reasonable retributive response to a breach by that corporation of the community’s laws, and an appropriate reassurance by that corporation to the community that such breaches will not reoccur. This framing is sufficient to deny that DPAs violate the Presumption of Innocence. 相似文献
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Henry Jarrett 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2016,22(4):412-432
This article analyzes the potential for consociational power sharing to pave the way for the formation of a shared identity in divided societies. It compares consociational arrangements in Northern Ireland and Brussels and argues that if this is achievable it will be demonstrated in the more liberal case of the former, rather than the corporate case of the latter. In concluding that greater intergroup engagement is occurring in Brussels than in Northern Ireland, this article challenges the ability of consociationalism to mitigate identities and looks to other factors to explain this finding. 相似文献
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