Developing leaders? developing countries?

A visit to Ghana, with the hosts interested in developing leaders and the guest interested in developing countries, led to a questioning of both. Three approaches to development are discussed. The top-down government planning approach, discredited with the fall of communism, has been replaced by an outside-in ‘globalisation’ approach, which is now promoted as the way to develop an economy. But has any nation ever developed by throwing itself open to foreign companies, capital, experts and beliefs? The notable success stories, including the USA, point to a third approach, inside-up indigenous development, which has worked in concert with state intervention. Globalisation thus denies developing countries the very basis by which other countries developed. This argument is woven together with a corresponding one about the development of leaders, which must also happen indigenously, from the life experiences of individuals, not programmes that purport to create leaders. We have had enough of hubris in the name of heroic leadership, much as we have had enough of foreign experts pretending to develop the ‘developing’ countries.     

The Three Faces of Defeasibility in the Law

Abstract. In this paper we will analyse the issue of defeasibility in the law, taking into account research carried out in philosophy, artificial intelligence and legal theory. We will adopt a very general idea of legal defeasibility, in which we will include all different ways in which certain legal conclusions may need to be abandoned, though no mistake was made in deriving them. We will argue that defeasibility in the law involves three different aspects, which we will call inference‐based defeasibility, process‐based defeasibility, and theory‐based defeasibility. Only the integration of these three perspectives allows us to provide a satisfactory account of the role of defeasibility in legal reasoning.     

The statistical prediction of violent behavior

Considerable attention in the popular and professional literature has focused on the relative costs and benefits of using public protectionist versus civil libertarian models of social control. In this article, we develop statistical analogs of these models to predict violent behavior among samples of defendants found incompetent to stand trial in New York State. The societal and personal costs (errors of prediction) of each model are compared and their implications for clinical practice and social policy are discussed.This research was supported in part by PHS Grant MH 20367 from the NIMH Center for Studies of Crime and Delinquency. The assistance of Thomas Arvanites in data analysis and the comments of Monroe Lefkowitz and Mary Evans Melick on earlier drafts of this paper are gratefully acknowledged.     

The Ministry of State for Science and Technology

Abstract. During the past two and a half years, the federal government has employed a new and experimental mechanism to formulate and co-ordinate its science policies, the Ministry of State for Science and Technology, a horizontal planning and co-ordinating agency headed by a minister of state. The portfolio's mandate includes neither the statutory authority to regulate other departments and agencies of the federal government nor the opportunity to implement programs in the fields of science and technology. The structure of this ministry and its role vis-à-vis other federal government departments and agencies, other levels of government, and the scientific-technological community are described and evaluated in this essay. The essay examines, first, the constraints inherent in the nature of this new mechanism, given the existing organization of the executive-bureaucratic arena and, second, the consequent problems which have been experienced in the attempts of this ministry to formulate and wordinate science policies for the federal government. The analysis of the ministry's role is based primarily on confidential interviews with government officials and secondarily on reports and studies of Canada's science policy machinery. The analysis concludes with an assessment of the future roles of the ministry and recommends a significant reorientation of the ministry's efforts in light of the existing allocation of responsibility for policy and programs and the requirements of the science policy field. Sommaire. Au cours des trente derniers mois, le gouvernement fédéral s'est servi d'un nouvel outil expérimental pour élaborer et coordonner ses politiques scienti-fiques:le ministère d'État, aux Sciences et à la Technologie, qui exerce une fonction de planification et de concertation sectorielles. Le mandat de cet organisme n'englobe pas la réglementation de l'activité d'autres ministères et offices de l'État, ni la mise en ?uvre de programmes scientifiques ou techniques. Les auteurs décrivent et évaluent la structure du ministère d'État et son rôle à l'égard des autres ministères et offices de l'État, des autres paliers d'administration et des communautés scientifique et technique. Ils examinent tout d'abord les contraintes découlant de la nature même du ministère d'État au sein de la superstructure administrative et bureaucratique, et les problèmes qui en ont résulté pour le ministère au cours de ses travaux d'élaboration et de coordination des politiques scientifiques fédérales. Les auteurs basent leur analyse du rôle du ministère d'État, principalement sur des entretiens confidentiels avec des hauts fonctionnaires, et accessoirement sur des rapports et des études à propos des mécanismes canadiens d'élaboration des politiques scientifiques. Ils tenninent leur analyse par une prospective du rôle du ministère d'État, et ils recomman-dent un réaménagement de ses activités en fonction de la répartition actuelle des responsabilités en matière d'élaboration de politiques et de mise en ?uvre de programmes, et à la lumière des nécessités de la politique des sciences.     

Regulating drinking through alcohol taxation and minimum unit pricing: A historical perspective on alcohol pricing interventions

Discourse on alcohol policy in several countries has recently become dominated by discussions of pricing. In Britain, proposals for a minimum unit price for alcoholic drinks are frequently depicted as radical and new. However, other means of legally intervening in alcohol pricing have long been used to shape consumption habits. Key to recognizing this historical lineage is a conceptualization of taxation as partly a form of regulation. This article builds upon findings from a wider historical study of alcohol excise duties in England and Wales to develop an empirically‐based typology of the main forms of government interventions in alcohol pricing. By connecting some instances of alcohol excise taxation to government attempts to shape behavior, this typology enables advances in understanding of the relationship between taxation and regulation. In so doing, the article also provides an original historical perspective on an ongoing policy debate. © 2017 John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd     

Evaluating collaborative institutions by segregation and homophily in policy networks

Many policy systems are experimenting with collaborative institutions to manage complex policy problems in the face of persistent conflict and scientific uncertainty. Policy networks are central to the theory of why collaborative institutions are effective. While many policy systems naturally become segregated, fragmented, or siloed due to homophily, collaborative institutions are hypothesized to create more integrated systems of organizational collaboration. Collaborative institutions may, therefore, be evaluated by the extent to which they reduce the tendency toward homophily and increase the integration of policy networks. This paper evaluates three collaborative institutions in regional land-use planning and specifies a theory of the program from two prominent frameworks: Institutional Collective Action and the Advocacy Coalition Framework. Results show that three forms of homophily are at work, and that in some cases, collaborative institutions successfully reduce the tendency toward network segregation.