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171.
172.
One of the most highly touted improvements in the criminal justice response to rape has been the wide‐scale adoption of sexual assault nurse examiner (SANE) programs that provide specialized medical care and forensic evidence collection to victims. Though previous studies have emphasized the benefits of SANE programs in improving criminal case outcomes, this study illustrates how the post‐rape forensic examination can also discourage reporting, investigation, and prosecution. Interviews with local rape care advocates across the United States show how the increasing emphasis on forensic evidence collected through rape kits may provide an opportunity to reflect and enact persistent law enforcement stereotypes toward sexual assault complainants. Unless police resistance to taking rape seriously is confronted and addressed, even well‐intentioned policy reforms such as SANE programs may end up undermining—rather than enhancing—fair and thorough investigation of sexual assault allegations.  相似文献   
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Recent research by Beech, Parrett, Ward, and Fisher has suggested that Ward and Keenan's male-derived implicit theories represent a good theoretical fit for explaining female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions. This paper re-examines the applicability of Ward and Keenan's (1999) male-derived implicit theories for explaining the self-reported offence-supportive cognitions of 16 UK female child molesters. Using almost identical analytic methods to Beech et al., we show that it is indeed possible to code female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions under each of the five male-derived implicit theories proposed by Ward and Keenan. However, our results show that the content of female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions appears very different to that of male child molesters. Based on our findings, we discuss relevant treatment implications and offer a re-conceptualization of implicit theories for female child molesters using the sex-role stereotyping literature. We also propose that unlike male child molesters female child molesters are unlikely to hold generalized implicit theories that sexualize children.  相似文献   
175.
Is education consequential for popular endorsement of democracy in developing societies and, if so, what are the mechanisms that account for this influence? We investigate the micro-foundations of the education–democracy nexus using a survey of 18 sub-Saharan African countries. We demonstrate that educational level is the strongest influence on support for democracy and rejection of non-democratic alternatives via its impact on comprehension of, and attention to, politics. This is consistent with a cognitive interpretation of the effects of education on democratic values rather than one which treats education as a marker of economic resource inequalities.  相似文献   
176.
Books received     
Male Bias in the Development Process. Edited by Diane Elson. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1991. Pp.215‐ + viii. £29.95. ISBN 07190 2555 9.

Beyond the Family: The Social Organization of Human Reproduction. By A.F. Robertson. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991. Pp.231. £35 and £10.95. ISBN 07456 0885 X and 6 0886 8.

Gender and Population in the Adjustment of African Economies: Planning for Change. By Ingrid Palmer. Geneva: International Labour Office, 1991. Pp.xiv +187. 27.50 Swiss francs (paperback). ISBN 92 2 107739 X.

Economic Theories of Development: An Analysis of Competing Paradigms. By Diana Hunt. Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989. Pp.363. £10.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7450 0237 4.

Economic Development and Environmental Protection in Latin America. Edited by Joseph S. Tulchin with Andrew I. Rudman. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers (Woodrow Wilson Center Current Studies on Latin America). Pp.vii + 143. $9.95 (paperback). ISBN 1 55587 288 3.

Nicaragua: The Land of Sandino. By Thomas W. Walker. Third Edition, Revised and Updated. Boulder, CO: Oxford: Westview Press, 1991. Pp.xvi + 202. $44 and $17.95. ISBN 0 8133 1089 X.

Dependence and Autonomy. By Hilary Standing. London: Routledge, 1990. Pp.x + 198. £10.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 415 04839.

Turtle Bogue: Afro‐Caribbean Life and Culture in a Costa Rican Village. By Harry G. Lefever. London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1992. Pp. 249. £29.95. ISBN 0 945636 23 7.  相似文献   
177.
A distinguished social scientist investigates the extent to which Russians today use social capital networks developed in Soviet times or before to produce welfare. Alternative hypotheses are set forth about ways of viewing networks in a modern vs. anti-modern context. Hypotheses are tested with a specially designed 1998 New Russia Barometer survey of all types of social capital networks. Conclusions are drawn about the networks Russians of varying education and socioeconomic status employ to get food and provide income security.  相似文献   
178.
179.
The US Violence Against Women Act of 2005 allocated $10 million to support collaborative efforts to create permanent housing options for domestic violence victims. Such programs are relatively new and rare, and up to now little research has examined their efficacy. This research investigates one permanent housing option, the permanent supportive housing model, through an exploratory case study of a Connecticut-based program currently being developed. The study compares the program design articulated by administrators and advocates with perspectives of domestic violence agency clients.

Findings indicate important differences between the program activities and goals articulated by administrators, and those preferred by clients. Although everyone agreed that personal safety was a priority, administrators stressed independence and choice whereas clients sought a stricter, community-centered environment with time-limited stays. These themes can be used to develop hypotheses for larger studies and have important preliminary policy and program implications.  相似文献   
180.
When a leader suffers from a diminished ability to formulate high quality judgments and decisions, international peace and security may be compromised. Systematic use of medical intelligence on foreign leaders can provide early warning to American leaders about the potential for destabilization in particular regimes where leaders are gravely ill. This information remains particularly important in less democratic governments, where power and decision making remain concentrated in the hands of very few, or even one man, or where an entire governmental structure appears unstable. This paper examines the impact of medical illness in foreign leaders in four cases in American foreign policy: the Shah of Iran; Ferdinand Marcos; Tancredo Neves; and Boris Yeltsin.  相似文献   
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