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D L Horowitz 《Duke law journal》1983,(6):1265-1307
In the last fifteen years or so, courts have issued a small but significant number of decrees requiring that governmental bodies reorganize themselves so that their behavior will comport with certain legal standards. Such decrees, addressed to school systems, prison and mental hospital officials, welfare administrators, and public housing authorities, insert trial courts in the ongoing business of public administration. In this article, Professor Horowitz traces the origins, characteristics, and consequences of organizational change decrees. He finds their roots in an unusually fluid and indeterminate system of procedural forms and legal rules, a system hospitable to the impact of changing ideas about the performance of bureaucracy and the role of courts. He explores the problematic character of organizational change litigation, underscoring the ways in which organizational behaviour is fraught with a variety of informal relationships beyond the contemplation of the courts. In Professor Horowitz 's judgment, efforts to augment the capacity of courts to cope more effectively with organizational change litigation may redound to the disadvantage of the judicial process by emphasizing the new managerial role of the courts at the expense of their traditional moral function. He concludes by suggesting that capricious budgetary ramifications, unintended consequences, and the impact of unconventional enforcement practices on the courts themselves be included among the elements of a full evaluation of organizational change litigation. 相似文献
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Donald L. Horowitz 《Public Choice》2007,133(1-2):13-23
The alternative vote (AV) is a preferential electoral system that tends to reward political moderation and compromise. Fraenkel and Grofman (2004, 2006a, 2006b) have repeatedly attempted to show that AV is not conducive to interethnic moderation in severely divided societies. In this response to their latest attempt, I point out that neither political party coordination of the vote nor strategic voting plays any part in their analysis. In contrast, I explain how moderate parties of one ethnic group are able to induce their supporters to cast ballots for moderate parties supported by voters of another ethnic group. I also explain why the incentives for parties to arrange interethnic vote transfers are much greater under AV than they are under systems such as the single transferable vote, which is in use in Northern Ireland, and I show that Fraenkel and Grofman”s interpretations of AV’s operation in Australia, Fiji, Sri Lanka, and Papua-New Guinea are contrary to the evidence. 相似文献
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韩中女性参政对两国社会发展的影响 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
女性的政治参与是指提高女性的政治意识、社会意识、历史意识,培养女性政治家,使女性获得进入议会内阁以及行政各部门的权利。第四次世界妇女大会召开后,韩中两国女性的政治参与度都有不同程度的提高,韩国的女性国会议员人数和中国两会女代表人数均有增加,但女性的参政议政依然呈现三多三少现象,处于核心领导层的女性很少,这种情况不但在中国存在,韩国也是如此。为了改变这种现象,首先要从法律层面使女性参政制度化,其次要通过教育培训培养女政治家,再次要积极促进持续的文化交流,取长补短,提高女性自身的本领,担当起促进东北亚,乃至世界女性发展的重任。 相似文献
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