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This article seeks to contribute to the existing debate(s) over the governance of cyberspace by focusing not upon legal frameworks, which have been already been the subject of much good work, but upon the enforcement of law. What is missing from much of the recent debate has been a substantive discussion of some of the practical problems of policing the Internet, such as by whom and how it should be (is being) policed. Such considerations are becoming increasingly important as the inhabitants of cyberspace multiply in number. It is argued that much of the debate over the policing of the Internet has tended to be driven by moral panics. As these panics subside it is becoming clear that there is clearly a confusion in the literature between the potential and actual harms that can be inflicted by cybercrimes. Consequently, we must be wary of reports which exaggerate the extent to which cybercrimes have proliferated, especially when those reports appear to originate from bodies who are currently engaged in the growing cybercrime industry. Furthermore, the legal problems appear to be less considerable as previously thought, especially with regard to the conflict of laws. This is not to say that there is not a problem, for there clearly is, but the article suggests that some of the undesirable behaviours will work themselves out, some will be eradicated by technology, whilst the remainder will continue to challenge our traditional understandings of crimes and deviant behaviours and the way that we police them. The first part of this article will look briefly at the growth of cybercrime: at what it is, who are the offenders and who are their victims. The second part will look at current models of policing the Internet and the third part will explore the appropriateness of the terrestrial policing model to the treatment of cybercrimes.  相似文献   
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Schmitt insists that the sovereign decision is unavoidable, that even an anarchist is caught in the trap of sovereignty when he tries to ??decide against decision??. This article begins to think about a critical legal vocabulary that might suspend the necessity of the will to constitute, while emphasising the creativity of the constituent moment. The terms inoperativity, dis-enclosure and dissensus are developed and deployed in order to think about certain aspects of the Tunisian revolution. In particular, the article focuses upon the refusal of the state of the situation, the subtraction of loyalty and the insistence of a form of life beyond Ben Ali??s sovereign order.  相似文献   
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This article examines the family and household patterns of widowers and widows in England and Wales between 1891 and 1921 in terms of the proportion of widowers and widows who lived with never- or ever-married children, servants, or inmates, with nonrelatives only, or on their own. The absence of marked change between 1891 and 1921 in the frequency with which elderly widowers and widows lived with a married or never-married child are in line with the Laslett [J. Fam. Hist. 12 (1987) 263.] expectation that family patterns evolve only slowly, certainly much slower than the forces of political and economic change. Where changes can be detected, as in the decline in frequency of coresidence with servants or inmates, these changes were experienced by the younger as well as the older widowed and by married people. Apparently, the residence patterns of the elderly widowed changed due to the introduction of means-tested old-age pensions in 1910. A second investigated is the extent to which the socioeconomic environment influenced the residence patterns of the widowed in a given time period. The effect in general proves to be weak with little difference between one environment and another in the frequency with which widowers coresided with their children and evidence of gender balancing of the household (relatively more widows living with sons and more widowers with daughters) visible only in agricultural environments.  相似文献   
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