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ABSTRACT

On the 50th anniversary of the Fair Housing Act, long-time residents of cities across the country feel increasingly anxious that they will be priced out of their homes and communities, as growing numbers of higher-income, college-educated households opt for downtown neighborhoods. These fears are particularly acute among black and Latino residents. Yet when looking through the lens of fair housing, gentrification also offers a potential opportunity, as the moves that higher-income, white households make into predominantly minority, lower-income neighborhoods are moves that help to integrate those neighborhoods, at least in the near term. We explore the long-term trajectory of predominantly minority, low-income neighborhoods that gentrified over the 1980s and 1990s. On average, these neighborhoods experienced little racial change while they gentrified, but a significant minority became racially integrated during the decade of gentrification, and over the longer term, many of these neighborhoods remained racially stable. That said, some gentrifying neighborhoods that were predominantly minority in 1980 appeared to be on the path to becoming predominantly white. Policies, such as investments in place-based, subsidized housing, are needed in many gentrifying neighborhoods to ensure racial and economic diversity over the longer term.  相似文献   
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This article reports a survey of workplace violence in Hong Kong. A sizable number of the 1,198 organizations that were questioned reported that they had experienced such violence over the 2 years preceding the study, but the problem was not prevalent. In both the private and government sectors, nonphysical violence happened more frequently than physical violence, and there was a reported lack of preparedness of many organizations to deal with the violence. Compared with private organizations, government organizations experienced more coworker and customer violence, but more private than government organizations believed that workplace violence caused the loss of key employees and clients. Correlation analysis found that a subculture of workplace violence appears to emerge over time, such that the more customer violence is experienced, the more is coworker violence, and the more the nonphysical violence, the more the physical violence. These findings are discussed with reference to international findings.  相似文献   
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Familial hypercholesterolemia (FH) is a genetic disorder that may lead to premature coronary heart disease (CHD) and sudden cardiac death (SCD). Mutations in the LDLR or APOB genes cause FH. We have screened the LDLR and the ligand-binding region of APOB genes in 52 cases of SCD. Deceased patients were younger than 40 years of age and were suspected of having FH. The LDLR and APOB genes were examined via PCR, high-resolution melting, and DNA sequencing. Therein, it was observed that 7.7% of the screened patients exhibited a rare sequence variant in the LDLR gene, with 5.7% suspected of being pathogenic mutations. Lipid profiles and genetic testing for FH could be considered when autopsy reveals significant atherosclerosis of the coronary arteries in young adults. First-degree family members are advised to seek medical advice and testing to determine their own risks of atherosclerosis to prevent premature CHD and SCD.  相似文献   
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Im Zentrum steht die Analyse der Wechselwirkungen zwischen dem literarischen und dem politischen Feld. Die Problematik wird entfaltet am Beispiel des Zerfalls der Gruppe 47 im Kontext der Formierung und Mobilisierung einer Außerparlamentarischen Opposition in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (1965–1968). Ausgehend von divergierenden Reaktionen führender Repräsentanten der Gruppe 47 auf die Protestbewegung, zeigt der Artikel den Zusammenhang zwischen den politischen Stellungnahmen der Schriftsteller und den gruppeninternen Konkurrenzkämpfen um die legitime Definition dessen, was Literatur ist und kann. Das Auftauchen eines neuen Akteurs im politischen Feld akzentuiert und dramatisiert, so die These, die latenten Spannungen und Konflikte innerhalb der literarischen Gruppe. Herausgefordert durch die Protestbewegung in ihrem Anspruch, eine außerparlamentarische, antiautoritäre Opposition zu sein, polarisiert und spaltet sich die Gruppe entlang politischer und literarischer Konfliktlinien, die zu divergierenden Bestimmungen des gesellschaftskritischen und transzendierenden Potenzials von Literatur, unterschiedlichen Bestimmungen des Verhältnisses von Autor und Leser sowie zu gegensätzlichen Ansätzen einer Restrukturierung der Beziehungen innerhalb des Literaturbetriebs führen.  相似文献   
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"Long-distance nationalism," an expression coined by Benedict Anderson, is often used to refer to transnational political activities, but the dynamics of this expatriate nationalism tend to be neglected. Mere nostalgia or even spontaneous mobilizations are invoked to explain this phenomenon, but fail to explain the mechanisms that lie behind it. Using the example of Hindu nationalist movements, this paper seeks to highlight the implications of political entrepreneurs in the country of origin and the instrumental dimension of long-distance nationalism. The Sangh Parivar, a network of nationalist Hindu organizations, was replicated among the Hindu diaspora and its structure was literally exported by a centralized body located in India itself. The spread of the Sangh Parivar and of its Hindutva ideology abroad was greatly facilitated by local policies like multiculturalism and by the rise of racism in the countries of emigration. A comparison of Hindu nationalist outlets in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada brings to light two main factors instilling long-distance nationalism: a favorable local context for ethnic mobilization among migrants and a centralized organization in the country of origin. The engineering of long-distance Hindu nationalism from India questions the changing nature of nationalism in a globalized world.  相似文献   
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Analysiert werden die Ver?nderungen des Kommunikationsraumes, der Diskursformen und Partizipationschancen, welche die Studentenbewegungen von 1968 herbeigeführt haben. Ausgehend vom Internationalen Vietnam-Kongress, der in Berlin am 17. und 18. Februar 1968 stattgefunden hat, wird der Transfer von Ideen und Aktionsformen zwischen den Bewegungen vor und nach dem Kongress skizziert und die Handlungsdynamik „kollektiver Sinnstrukturen“ akzentuiert, die nicht an die „direct relational“ oder „non-relational channels“ der Kommunikation zwischen Bewegungen geknüpft sind. Geprüft wird, ob und wie eine transnationale „Gegen?ffentlichkeit“ unter den Bedingungen der „Medien?ffentlichkeit“ entstehen und wirksam werden konnte.  相似文献   
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