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101.
Iain Watson 《Space and Polity》2019,23(1):1-26
The paper re-assesses South Korean unification narratives in the context of territory and critical approaches to territory. From this, the paper identifies a set of underlying assumptions and expectations of South Korean government and civil society. The paper explains why division and unification are commonly assumed as a zero-sum relationship and primarily based on a bounded and homogenous understanding of spatiality and territory. From this, the paper indicates how alternative conceptions of space, networks and territory might be used to recast the site and nature of Korean territorial unification. 相似文献
102.
Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) techniques were utilized in the forensic DNA community until the mid 1990s when less labor-intensive polymerase chain reaction short tandem repeat (PCR STR) techniques became available. During the transition from RFLP technology to PCR-based STR platforms, a method for comparing RFLP profiles to STR profiles was not developed. While the preferred approach for applying new technology to old cases would be to analyze the original biological stain, this is not always possible. For unsolved cases that previously underwent RFLP analysis, the only DNA remaining may be restriction cut and bound to nylon membranes. These studies investigate several methods for obtaining STR profiles from membrane bound DNA, including removal of bound DNA with bases, acids, detergents, various chemicals, and conventional cell extraction solutions. Direct multiplex STR amplification of template in the membrane-bound state was also explored. A partial STR profile was obtained from DNA that was recovered from an archived membrane using conventional extraction buffer components, indicating promise for recovering useful STR information from RFLP membranes that have been maintained in long-term frozen storage. 相似文献
103.
The idea of public reason is central to political liberalism’s aim to provide an account of the possibility of a just and
stable democratic society comprised of free and equal citizens who nonetheless are deeply divided over fundamental values.
This commitment to the idea of public reason reflects the normative core of political liberalism which is rooted in the principle
of democratic legitimacy and the idea of reciprocity among citizens. Yet both critics and defenders of political liberalism
disagree over whether or not the idea of public reason permits citizens to appeal to their comprehensive conceptions of the
good in public deliberation over matters of basic justice. Our aim in this paper is to provide a defense of an exclusive idea
of public reason, and at the same time we aim to dispel the underlying concerns of two prominent criticisms of the idea of
public reason—the concern of alienation from the political process, as expressed by religiously oriented critics, and the
concern over women’s equality, as expressed by feminist critics. We argue that inclusive accounts of the idea of public reason
are not consistent with political liberalism’s core commitments. Further, we claim, inclusive accounts of the idea of public
reason deepen feminist concerns. We think that, properly understood, an exclusive account of the idea of public reason can
address feminist concerns about political liberalism and avoid alienating (reasonable) religious persons in an unacceptable
way. Thus, we conclude that an exclusive account of the idea of public reason is our best hope for reconciliation.
For comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper, we thank Andrew Altman, H.E. Baber, Andrew Jason Cohen, Steven
Daskal, Peter Gratton, Blain Neufeld, Linda Peterson, Rodney Peffer, Kevin Timpe, Matt Zwolinski and David Cummiskey. An earlier
version of this paper was presented at a Pacific Division Meeting of the American Philosophical Association; we thank audience
participants for helpful feedback. We would also like to thank an anonymous referee for Law and Philosophy, we believe the article is much improved as a result of his/her suggestions. 相似文献
104.
Iain Watson 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(2):483-504
This paper discusses disaster resilience in the context of disaster risk reduction. It focuses on how the Nepali state, through disaster risk reduction and resilience strategies, is reinventing the ‘diversity’ question in Nepal. Disaster risk management and disaster risk reduction are being used to create a specific form of national identity that paradoxically both segregates and excludes ethnic and traditional communities through a variety of strategies of paternalism and inclusivity. The emerging state-led use of exploiting and capturing ethnic and indigenous ‘traditional knowledge’ is part of the government’s disaster risk strategy. This is sanctioned by multilateral bodies, which further legitimates subtle practices of exclusion through state-led monitoring. This has wider implications for contested narratives on Nepali democracy and federalism. 相似文献
105.
Matthew Watson 《政治学》2001,21(2):81-92
The debate about the scope of feasible policy-making in an era of globalisation continues to be set within the context of an assumption that national capital markets are now perfectly integrated at the international level. However, the empirical evidence on international capital mobility contradicts such an assumption. As a consequence, a significant puzzle remains. Why is it, in a world in which the observed pattern of capital flows is indicative of a far from globalised reality, that public policy continues to be constructed in line with more extreme variants of the globalisation hypothesis? I attempt to solve this puzzle by arguing that ideas about global capital market integration have an independent causal impact on political outcomes which extends beyond that which can be attributed to the extent of their actual integration. 相似文献
106.
Iain Watson 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):537-560
Abstract This paper focuses on the relationship between national security and environmentalism in South Korea. The 2009 South Korean Presidential Committee on Green Growth set a long-term vision for South Korea to ‘go green’. This is promoted as a new state-led development paradigm and a response to new global security risks. The paper identifies official and unofficial contested narratives on development, environmentalism and national security. By focusing on civil society movements, the paper identifies challenges to the exclusionary realist and liberal institutional approaches to South Korea's Green Growth initiative. These alternative discourses of national security are unpacking and reconstructing the relationship between development and environmentalism through the question of who defines ‘national security’ and for whose interests. 相似文献
107.
Poteat V. Paul Watson Ryan J. Fish Jessica N. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2021,50(8):1634-1648
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, and youth with other minority sexual orientations (LGBQ+) who are more out to others about their sexual orientation identity may... 相似文献
108.
One Nation's Electoral Support: Where Does It Come From,What Makes It Different and How Does It Fit?
This paper does three things. First, it offers a critique of the academic literature on the One Nation vote, focusing on the limitations of the work of political geographers and the methodological shortcomings of survey researchers. Second, it re-examines data from the 1998 Australian Election Study in order to explore the demographic and attitudinal forces that both drove the One Nation vote and distinguished it from the votes secured by the Labor Party, the Liberal and National parties and the Australian Democrats; this highlights the importance of gender, geography and class, of political alienation and of attitudes to Aborigines and immigration. Third, it suggests that the basis of One Nation's mobilisation did not lie in concerns about economic insecurity so much as in opposition to 'new class' values, particularly around race. In doing so, it challenges common understandings of the Party's constituency and of its distinctiveness. 相似文献
109.
A growing body of research suggests that students are able to learn skills of conflict resolution, but rarely apply them in real-world disputes. In this essay, the authors focus on ways to increase the likelihood that students in disputes will use problem-solving techniques rather than resorting to violence. The authors utilize Ajzen's theory of planned behavior (1991) as a guide for identifying antecedents to problem-solving behavior. They alsosuggest means by which these antecedents can be modified to induce constructive problem-solving behavior in school settings. 相似文献
110.
Jane Potter Patricia A. Schechter Joyce Goodman Haleh Afshar Janet Watson 《Women's history review》2013,22(2):363-373
The following books are reviewed. Between the lines: letters and diaries from elsie inglis's russian unit AUDREY FAWCETT CAHILL, 1999 Edinburgh: The Pentland Press. x + 372 pp., ISBN 1 85821 630 3, £17.00 For Freedom's Sake: the life of Fannie Lou Hamer CHANA KIA LEE, 1999 Urbana: University of Illinois Press, xvi + 225 pp. ISBN 0 252 02151 7 To Keep the Waters Troubled: the life of Ida B. Wells Linda O. McMurry, 1998 New York: Oxford University Press. xvi + 400 pp., ISBN 0 19 508812 3 Telling Women's Lives: narrative inquiries in the history of women's education KATHLEEN WEILER & SUE MIDDLETON (Eds), 1999 Buckingham: Open University Press. x + 166 pp., ISBN 0335 20173 3, paperback, £16.99 Remaking Women: feminism and modernity in the Middle East LILA ABU-LUGHOD (Ed.), 1998 Princeton: Princeton University Press. xi + 287 pp., ISBN 0 691 05792 3, paperback Women's Writing of the First World War: an anthology ANGELA K. SMITH (Ed.), 2000 Manchester: Manchester University Press. xii + 340 pp., ISBN 0 7190 5072 3, hardback, 0 7190 5073 1, paperback 相似文献