Detection of polybrominated biphenyl ethers (PBDEs) in pediatric hair as a tool for determining in utero exposure

This study presents the prevalence of ethanol and illicit drugs in fatal road traffic accident victims in the Centre of Portugal between January 1990 and December 2007. Among the violent deaths, road traffic accidents presented the highest percentage (around 35%; n=3095), but decreasing throughout the years. Accidents were preponderant in males (about 80%; n=2402), between 21 and 30 years-old. Accidents involving drivers (55%; n=1310) were of the most common, being the car the main vehicle (45%), followed by the motorcycle (40%). An alcohol analysis request was present in 50% of the cases (n=1687), but increasing each year. Ethanol concentrations >1.2g/L, the legal limit in Portugal, were found in 55% (n=283) of the cases. Concerning drugs of abuse requests, only 4.4% (n=137) and 17.3% (58 cases) of the cases included the analysis at the Forensic Pathology Department (FPD) and at the Medico-Legal Office (MLO), respectively. Among the road accident cases analysed, 18 were positive, mainly in men (84%), between 21 and 30 years-old; opiates (47.1%; n=8) and cannabinoids (50%; n=4) were the most found, at the FPD and at the MLO, respectively. In conclusion, ethanol was identified as a key factor to traffic accidents, which explains the definition of specific legislation and methods of enforcement to prohibit this form of impairing. Nevertheless, ethanol still remains the psychoactive substance most frequently identified in the blood of divers killed in road-traffic crashes, recommending additional actions of supervision and control.     

‘No toques mi pelo’ (don’t touch my hair): decoding Afro-Cuban identity politics through hair

ABSTRACT

People across the African Diaspora have developed a complex socio-visual-language system of hair as a means of self-expression; however, the decades of economic sanctions in Cuba generated a unique political dynamic that has shaped concepts of self-image and cultural expressions. Sixteen Afro-Cuban women were interviewed about the cultural significance of their hair using The Guided Hair Autobiography methodology. Participant themes included aesthetic pride and confidence, hair bullying and embarrassment, and hair damage and distress. A Cuban cultural critique underlines how Afro-Cuban women have been socialized to have a bias towards straightened long hair over tightly coiled hair textures. These findings suggest that despite the ‘raceless’ political revolutionary spirit infused into Cuban cultural ideology, people of African descent process racial politics and identity through hair.     

Comparing the ICTY and the ICC: Some Procedural and Substantive Issues

Netherlands International Law Review -     

Withdrawn: Hair Analysis for Drug‐Facilitated Crime: The Critical Role of Hair Growth Rate

The following article from the Journal of Forensic Sciences, “Hair Analysis for Drug‐Facilitated Crime: The Critical Role of Hair Growth Rate” by Koren G, Bellaish E, Maman K, published online on 3rd September 2019 (1) on Wiley Online Library has been withdrawn at the authors’ request, and in agreement between the authors, the Journal’s Editorial Office, and John Wiley & Sons, Inc. The withdrawal has been agreed to by all parties due to material included in the article being involved in current litigation. Reference 1. Koren G, Bellaish E, Maman K. Hair analysis for drug‐facilitated crime: the critical role of hair growth rate. J Forensic Sci 2019;54(5):1574–5. https://doi.org/10.1111/1556-4029.14013 .     

Spam and the First Amendment Redux: Free Speech Issues in State Regulation of Unsolicited Email

The scourge of email spam is almost forty years old, and, yet, it does not appear to be disappearing. In fact, spam has expanded to other ubiquitous Internet platforms including social media Web sites. It seems, then, that the many state anti-spam statutes have been unsuccessful in regulating the sending of unsolicited commercial email, but not for lack of trying. This article examines the First Amendment challenges to state anti-spam laws.     

The Personalization(s) of Politics: Israel, 1949–2003

The relationship between the United States and Iran has had an important influence on world affairs during the past two decades. Accordingly, the U.S. news media have an instrumental role in portraying U.S.‐Iran relations to the public. The Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis of 1979–1981, the TWA hijacking of 1985, the Irangate controversy of 1986–1987, and the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 are examples of important media events that have impacted public opinion regarding U.S. policy toward Iran. This research analyzes government and print media portrayals of the Reagan administration's U.S.‐Iran policy during Irangate. Results supported the prediction that the print media would fulfill their “watchdog” function by providing more critical portrayals of the United States' policy toward Iran than the Tower Commission Report, an investigative document published by President Reagan's Special Review Board. Among the three leading newspapers analyzed, there was significant diversity in the reporting of U.S.‐Iran relations. Results indicate the Reagan administration's attempt to “spin” its version of Irangate did not successfully pressure the media to neglect their watchdog role. Although the Tower Commission Report was less critical of U.S. policy toward Iran than the print media, all four print media sources portrayed the Reagan administration's policy as a flawed approach that degenerated into trading arms for hostages. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.     

Marxism and the concept of racism 1

The term racism is engaged at two seemingly independent levels of analysis within Marxism. At one level it constitutes a definite concept within some general theory of capitalist relations of production and their corresponding ideological forms. At another level these ideological forms express themselves in a range of discriminatory practices. Marxism here takes up the challenge in terms of a more practical struggle. The present article establishes the connection between these two levels of analysis. It does so in particular via a consideration of the contributions of O. C. Cox and E. Genovese to the field. The implications of such theoretical work are then identified in terms of a number of strategies adopted by the Left to combat racism. The deficiencies at one level are seen to generate problems at the other. Racism, it is argued, signifies an almost indiscriminate range of practices that cannot be conceived together as effects either of dominant economic class relations and/or the political will of the ruling class.