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91.
Gideon Rahat 《Political studies》2006,54(1):43-64
This article examines the process that led to the repeal of Israeli electoral reform (1992–2001) and compares it with that of reform adoption (1987–92). The most significant difference between the two processes is in the kinds of information that were available in them. In the politics of reform adoption, information was susceptible to manipulation and its supply was a crucial part of the struggle itself. In the politics of reform abolition, the real consequences of reform were constantly unfolding. This substantial difference resulted in other differences – not in type but in extent. First, while both were ongoing processes in which coalitions of supporters and opponents had to be built and then rebuilt several times, the cohesion of the camps throughout the struggle for reform abolition was higher than in the struggle for reform adoption. Second, while office-seeking successfully served as a basis for understanding the behavior of most parliamentary actors, the actual perceptions of its exact contextual meaning was dependent upon different available information. The two processes also had two common characteristics: power was diffused in both arenas of the politics of reform and in both instances the selection of the right timing proved to be necessary for successfully promoting the initiatives against veto players who were interested in preserving the status quo. 相似文献
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Derrick Yeo Chen Kuan Jasmine Soh Qian Ping Felicia Hoo Jia Yi 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2018,29(2):243-251
In Singapore, families play an important role caring for mentally disordered offenders. They are particularly important in cases where courts oblige psychiatric assessment, because they provide corroborating information not otherwise volunteered. However, their attendance is generally low. Our quality improvement project sought to increase caregiver attendance at outpatient visits. We followed WHO guidelines for quality improvement, determined the root cause of poor attendance, and devised three Plan–Do–Study–Act cycles over six weeks in late 2013. We followed their impact for 12 months. Case managers and medical social workers implemented three strategies to address issues of poor communication and awareness, which led to poor attendance. Prior to our project, caregivers attended 47% of outpatient visits. Following the implementation of our strategies, rates rose to 70%, sustained over the 12 following months. The entire case management department adopted our strategies. Simple changes to standard operating procedures improved the rate of caregiver attendance at follow-up appointments. 相似文献
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Throughout Jewish history, religious tradition has had a dialectical relationship with violence. Judaism is neither more nor less violent than any other religion. In this essay, however, we offer a comprehensive and integrated survey of the components of Jewish ethos and mythos relating to violence while analyzing and illustrating their development and influence over the course of three millennia, from biblical times to the contemporary Jewish world, particularly in the Jewish State. We analyze the various transformations that Jewish religious violent norms, values, moods, and symbols have undergone, their linkage to ever-changing social and cultural circumstances, their social-political roots and implications, and their relationship to other Jewish traditions. We trace how ancient violent motifs have emerged and have been processed over time, and observe present-day violent behavior in light of these motifs. Along the way, we explicate the dynamics that characterize the tradition of Jewish religious violence and its paradoxical nature. Our argument implies a general theoretical model of religious violence that can be applied in a comparative context: Actors engage in a constant evaluation, selection, and reinterpretation of religious ideas and practices from an ever-growing reservoir and in so doing contribute to that reservoir. Religious tradition is adaptable but it also places limits on the violence agents can justify at any point in time. 相似文献
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Jarle Trondal Gideon Rahat Sarah L. de Lange Oleh Protsyk Stein Kuhnle Richard Sakwa 《West European politics》2013,36(5):971-991
Previous studies suggest, and common wisdom holds, that government participation is detrimental for new parties. This paper argues that the opposite is true. Drawing on a large-N analysis (111 parties in 16 countries) in combination with two case studies, it demonstrates that new parties generally benefit organisationally from supporting or entering a government coalition. Compared to established parties, new parties have the advantage that their leadership is more able to allocate effectively the spoils of office, and can change still malleable rudimentary party structures so as to respond to intra-organisational demands, as well as the functional demands of holding office. The authors conclude by setting their finding in wider perspective and elaborate on its implications for contemporary West European politics. 相似文献
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