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881.
Pavelites JJ Kemp WL Barnard JJ Prahlow JA 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2011,32(4):387-392
The authors present a series of 6 deaths due to the uncommon cause of chemical burns. Of the 6 deaths due to chemical burns, 4 deaths were due to ingestion of a chemical, 1 death was caused by chemical burns of the skin, and 1 death resulted from rectal insufflation of a chemical. Seven additional cases where chemical burns may have been a contributing factor to the death or an incidental finding are also presented. Four cases are related to an incident involving chemical exposure during an industrial explosion. Three cases involve motor fuel burns of the skin. Two cases concern a plane crash incident, and 1 case involved a vehicular collision. Cases are derived from the records of the Dallas County Medical Examiner's Office and those of the authors' consultation practices. Each of the cases is presented, followed by a discussion of the various mechanisms of chemical injury. 相似文献
882.
Studies in international political economy (IPE) that use survey-response data sets and survey (or field) experiments have grown dramatically in recent years. New developments in survey and experimental methodology have arguably influenced IPE scholars not only to think more deeply about the microfoundations of the preferences, attitudes, and political behavior of key IPE actors but also to use survey or experimental methods to test causal claims and predictions. Yet the reasons for the rapid growth in survey and experimental methods in IPE are more multifaceted. We therefore seek to answer the following three pertinent questions in the introduction. First, what are the main substantive puzzles and issue-areas that IPE scholars analyze via survey and experimental methods in their research? Second, what are the main methodological advantages and drawbacks from using survey and experimental methods in IPE? Third, what are the key substantive theoretical and empirical insights that scholars have learned from recent research in IPE that employs either survey or experimental methods (or both)? In addition to answering these questions here, we also provide a summary of each article included in the special issue. The introduction concludes with a road map for future studies on survey and experimental research in IPE. 相似文献
883.
Reforming agriculture trade policy is key to breaking the deadlock in multilateral trade negotiations. While existing studies have focused on institutions and interest group barriers to agriculture trade reform in developed countries, most have failed to recognize the broad support for agriculture protection among developed countries. In this article we examine one of the drivers of this support: the ability of politicians to frame their own agriculture policies as less generous relative to those of other countries. Drawing on existing literature on heuristics, we argue that voters are malleable to politicians’ comparative framing of agriculture policies. Using an original survey experiment in the United States, we find that framing US agriculture as less generous than other countries generates an additional 12% of respondents supporting increased farm payments to US farmers. These results speak to the difficulty in reforming agriculture and more broadly about the lack of public support for unilateral trade liberalization. 相似文献
884.
Jeffrey T. Martin 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2014,61(4):461-490
This paper is an empirical study in comparative police ideology. It describes cultural qualities that distinguish Taiwan’s idea of democratic policing from comparable ideas in other places. I examine the historical process by which Taiwan’s police came to be organized around the population registry (the hukou). This process has institutionalized a Confucian understanding of civic virtue as an organizing principle in Taiwanese policing. Based on these historical and cultural observations, I formulate an ideal typical model of Taiwanese “policing through virtue” that can be compared to other stereotypical national policing styles such as Britain’s “policing by consent,” America’s discretionary policing, and France’s formalist emphasis on division of power and rule of law. 相似文献
885.
During the years immediately following the American Revolution, it was common for Southern elites to express concerns about the morality or long-term viability of slavery. It is unclear, however, whether such expressions of anti-slavery sentiment were genuine, especially given the failure of so many slave owners to emancipate their slaves. In this paper, we show that there was a change in elite rhetoric about slavery, initiated by Whig politicians in the mid-1830s seeking a campaign issue in the South, in which anti-slavery rhetoric became linked to attempts by abolitionists to foment slave unrest, making anti-slavery an unsustainable position for the region’s politicians. Before that development, we contend that some planters believed that slavery might some day be abolished. After it, those concerns largely went away. We argue that the change in slave owners’ beliefs about the probability of abolition in the mid-1830s should have been reflected in slave prices at auction and test that claim using evidence from the New Orleans auction market. 相似文献
886.
Mads Dagnis Jensen 《Regional & Federal Studies》2014,24(3):263-280
This article investigates how the positions, strategies and modes of interaction of the German Länder have changed over time in response to the process of Europeanization. By applying the method of process tracing within a theoretical framework of rational choice institutionalism, the article concentrates on the Länder's responses to (1) the transfer of policy competences to the European level and (2) the enlargement of the European polity. Thereby, the article sheds new light on the Europeanization of the German federal system. It is shown that the transfer of policy competences to the European level have had the greatest impact on the Länder, which have reacted increasingly strategically by successfully demanding more power in the national coordination mechanism. However, the European Union enlargements have also had an effect as together with the transfer of policy competences they have resulted in a more sceptical attitude of the Länder towards (the perceived ever expanding) European Union. 相似文献
887.
Jeffrey Kaplan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):30-82
It is popularly believed that the millenarian Christian Identity theology movement in the United States is inextricably associated with revolutionary violence. This article examines the Church of Israel, an important center of Identity theology, to determine whether or not that popular impression is consistent with the facts in this case and with the Identity movement as a whole. It differentiates among the competing appeals of the far right wing offering taxonomies of organization types and ideological appeals. The conclusion is that while Christian Identity theology represents a revolution within the religious tradition, its adherents have rarely resorted to revolutionary violence, following a pattern familiar to earlier millenial movements in which the dominant motif was partial withdrawal from society punctuated by unusual and exceedingly short outbursts of violence. 相似文献
888.
Jeffrey Ian Ross James W. Hules Anna Geifman John E. Finn 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):346-352
Edward F. Mickolus, Terrorism, 1988–1991: A Chronology of Events and Selective Annotated Bibliography, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1993, Pp.916, index. $125. ISBN 0–313–28970–0 Anna Geifman, Thou Shalt Kill: Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia, 1894–1917, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. Pp. xii + 376, notes, 22 photos, biblio., index. $39.50/£32.50. ISBN 0–691–08778–4 Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia, New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1993. Pp.318, photos, biblio note. $27.50. ISBN 0–06‐ Robert W. White, Provisional Irish Republicans: An Oral and Interpretive History, Westport, CT, and. London: Greenwood Press, 1993. Pp.206, biblio, index. $55. ISBN 0–313–28564–8 相似文献
889.
890.
Jeffrey R. Fields 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):294-321
American policy-makers and politicians present specious rationales for abjuring diplomatic engagement with adversarial regimes and actors. The conventional wisdom is that negotiating with adversaries is futile and a form of reward that the enemy will exploit. This tool of statecraft, therefore, should be avoided. However, many of the objections for avoiding diplomacy are suspect when examined closely. In addition, though prominent adversaries like Iran have generally shunned the United States, it has regularly engaged other hostile and adversarial regimes and non-state actors. The selective use of specious reasons contributes to an American foreign policy that often prefers the isolation and containment of ‘rogue states.’ Additionally, myths like the futility of appeasing adversaries have taken hold, and practitioners rarely question it. The post-Cold War American ‘diplomacy allergy’ is often counter-productive and stands in contrast to Cold War pragmatism. 相似文献