“There is no end to relationship among the indians”

This article presents an overview of the Ojibwa family over the past three centuries, from early European contacts to the present. It emphasizes the extent to which Ojibwa familial relations have long been embedded in extensive networks of kin that played major roles in the family lives of individuals of all ages. The article traces the effects of historical change on the Ojibwa family and examines continuity within Ojibwa kinship relations. The changes of the last century have taken a heavy toll on these relationships, yet, where they persist or are being revived, they are sources of strength and renewal.     

Brigalow bondage: Rural women and the arts

‘The arts’ is a field of activity and power which has traditionally been associated with ‘great men'; women have typically been represented as having only tenuous links with the field. However, in regional and rural areas, women are by far the major arts participants, organisers and educators, and tend to operate not as individuals, but as members of arts groups. Possibly as a corollary, while arts in rural areas recruits substantial community participation, the activity apparently receives little media coverage or support from governments or corporations, relative to other recreational activities.

In this paper I will discuss ‘the arts’ as a social practice, with its own internal rules and logic, and explore the social location of arts beyond the metropolis. To this end I will outline the results of my research to date in the field of arts in Central Queensland, drawing on policy statements and on interviews with (mainly women) rural art practitioners. The paper examines whether the logic of the field of arts changes when it is moved from the city to the bush, and discusses to what extent this can be attributed to the social position of women in rural communities. It attempts to engage with social relations in regional Queensland, and the incommensurability of the public and private spheres. That is, women arts practitioners are actively engaged in a public activity—dealing with funding, public relations and policy implementation—yet are perceived (and, typically, perceive themselves) to be operating largely within the private sphere. This suggests that modes of representation have greater material effects than empirical ‘realities’.     

The Evolution of Citizenship Norms among Scandinavian Adolescents, 1999–2009

In the recent debate about changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, Scandinavian countries are often considered the frontrunners of the development of a new kind of engaged citizenship. The majority of recent empirical scholarship in this field, however, has focused on the United States. In this article latent class analysis is used to ascertain whether the ideal types of engaged citizenship and duty‐based citizenship norms are relevant concepts for adolescents in Scandinavia, and whether there are significant changes in these norms between 1999 and 2009. The findings confirm that engaged and duty‐based citizens can be clearly identified and that engaged citizenship norms are becoming more prevalent. It is also found, however, that engaged and duty‐based norms are not the only norms identified in the analysis, and that important differences are evident in the background characteristics of those ascribing to different citizen norms that contradict expectations in the literature. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, including the potential implications of these changing norms for political behaviour.     

The HOPE VI Program: What about the residents?

Abstract

During the 1990s, the federal government dramatically changed its policy on housing the poor. Under the HOPE VI (Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere) Program, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development intended to address the concentration of troubled low‐income households in public housing by moving away from its reliance on project‐based assistance and promoting instead the construction of mixed‐income housing and the use of housing subsidies.

This article presents important evidence from two systematic, multicity studies on how the original residents of HOPE VI developments have been affected by this radical new approach to public housing. While many residents have clearly benefited, the findings raise critical questions about whether the transformation of public housing will achieve its potential as a powerful force for improving the lives of low‐income families.     

Affordable housing in New Urbanist Communities: A survey of developers

Abstract

Despite the unequivocal goal of income diversity as expressed in the Charter of the Congress for the New Urbanism, one of the more significant challenges facing the movement has been the creation of socially diverse neighborhoods, especially ones that include a mix of incomes. Although recent reports show that most New Urbanist developments are being built for upper‐middle‐class residents, some projects have managed to support income diversity. This article takes a closer look at those projects, reporting on the results of a nationwide survey of New Urbanist developers.

We found that many developers have used complex, creative schemes to make affordable housing possible within the New Urbanist context. Developers created affordable opportunities by combining available government programs, partnerships with nonprofits, and innovative design solutions. These efforts have provided important sources of affordable housing within the context of walkable communities—serving as examples that should be emulated by future developers.     

The New Right and family politics

In all the main industrial countries of the West since the 1970, the family has become in issue which excites media attention and public debate and which has become a prominent item on the agenda of the major political parties. The family has become politicized.

This has been particularly the case in America and Britan where it has been associated to different degress with the electoral successes of a revived conservatism under Thatcher and Reagan which committed itself to policies to strengthen the ‘traditional’ family. This article argues, contray to number of left and politics. A number of reasons are offered for this. It is argued that the sheer weight and momentum of the major demographic economic, social and cultural shifts in the

sub-stratum of the advanced industrialized societies, particularly since the Second World war, have had such enormous impact on women and consequently on the family that they are unlikely to be reversed. it is also suggested that counter campaigns and the role of professional groups in the formulation, implementation and evaluationof public

policy have inhibited attempts to return to ‘Victorian values’, Yet another reason advanced is the difficulty that recent conservative governments have experienced in aligning their economic objecrtives with politicies to strengthen the traditional family.

However, the article argues that an important factor in any explanation of this lack of success lies in the nature of te New Right itself. The revived conservative parties of the 1970s were in fact an amalgam of number of different ideological stands on the right of the political spectrum, for which the family became an important unifying sumbol in its capacity to align radical liberal economic policies with traditionalist conservative concerns, and its rhetorical value in translating these into a popular political discourse. While this enabled them to attract a number of different constituneices and widen thie electoral base, particularly with new voters, this eneasy coaliation was itself a major obstacle to te realization of any consistent and coherent family policy.