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301.
Sanford L. Braver Peter Salem Jessica Pearson Stephanie R. DeLusé 《Family Court Review》1996,34(1):41-59
A survey was conducted to assess the content coverage of more than 100 divorce education programs for parents in North America. Fifty-six percent of the programs were mandatory for at least some categories of divorcing parents. Results showed that the most intensively covered topics involved the effects of divorce on children and the benefits of parental cooperation. Moderate coverage was devoted to skills acquisition, such as conflict management and parenting, and to the effects of divorce on parents. Minimal coverage was devoted to "nuts and bolts" and legal issues. The results are discussed in terms of issues likely to emerge as a result of this content coverage. 相似文献
302.
Scholars continue to debate the degree to which electoral institutions matter for representation. The literature predicts that minorities benefit from districts while women benefit from at-large elections. The mechanisms by which institutions affect the ability of traditionally underrepresented groups to win seats have been understudied. Using an analysis of over 7,000 cities and interviews with city councilors, we find that compared to at-large systems, district systems can increase diversity only when underrepresented groups are highly concentrated and compose a substantial portion of the population. In addition, we find that the electoral system has a significant effect on representation only for African American male and white female councilors; the proportion of African American women and Latina councilors is not affected by the use of either district or at-large systems. 相似文献
303.
304.
Jessica Schmidt 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2015,28(1):35-54
In contrasting UN with EU democracy promotion discourses, the article contributes to the debate on the substance of EU democracy promotion by approaching the question of ‘democratic substance’ from the vantage point of sovereignty. For its analytical framing, it draws on relevant aspects of Foucault's work on power. The article suggests that, due to their diverging obligations to sovereignty, the substance of democracy promotion in UN discourses revolves around an institutional-centric understanding, whereas in EU discourses we see a significant reconceptualization of democracy as a norms-based concept. The latter does not aim at the government of society but the ethical self-governance of socially embedded individuals. It is argued that, with the decreasing purchase of democracy as a universal political project and the growing concern with local contexts, the EU's norms-based conception emerges as better equipped to adapt to contemporary challenges of governing. The article concludes with raising some doubts about the democratic promise and potential of the democratic rationality underpinning EU discourses. Democracy, participation and political change are no longer conceived in terms of shaping and influencing public agenda but refer to socially shaping and influencing subjective perceptions and behaviours. 相似文献
305.
Jessica C. Teets 《当代中国》2015,24(91):158-175
This article examines the evolution of the Yunnan model of civil society management, and through a pretest–posttest research design, finds that new regulations in 2010 create a larger role for the local state in developing civil society. These changes bring the Yunnan model closer to the more supervised model of social management pioneered by Beijing and away from the more autonomous model exemplified by Guangdong. This has important implications for the future regulation and development of civil society as the central government debates adopting one of these models as a national system of social management. While both the Guangdong and Beijing models encourage relaxing registration requirements, the social management model in Yunnan develops new channels for state guidance of civil society such as government training, funding, and project collaboration or supervision. 相似文献
306.
Jessica Reinisch 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(4):515-522
This article examines two recent refugee crises in Calais: the debate around the Sangatte refugee camp, which was resolved in 2002, and the ongoing problems in Calais, which have been escalating since autumn 2014. It asks: why are these events repeating? What, if anything, has changed between 2002 and now? It points to a number of new developments since 2002, such as growing numbers of migrants worldwide, and a changing European political and legal landscape. But it also argues that a number of the same factors that led to the Sangatte crisis are still shaping events and responses in Calais today. They concern the persistent shortcomings of European states’ immigration controls, the failures to reach Europe‐wide and international agreements on migration, and the inadequacies of international bodies such as the UNHCR and the 1951 Refugee Convention which it upholds. 相似文献
307.
The 2016 general election presented an unusual challenge to Republican congressional candidates: whether to market one’s campaign as aligned with or against Donald Trump’s controversial candidacy. In this paper, we determine what district and member-level factors influence candidate endorsements of Trump for president. Second, we study if the endorsements hurt candidates on Election Day. We find that underlying political partisanship, as measured by Mitt Romney’s 2012 vote share in congressional districts, predicts much of incumbents’ support for Trump, and that candidates’ support did not harm them in the general election. 相似文献
308.
Daniel A. Sachau Jessica Gertz Mahlia Matsch Ashley Johnson Palmer David Englert 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2012,27(1):63-72
The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which work-life conflict and organizational support for work-life balance
are related to job satisfaction and turnover intentions for military law enforcement personnel. More specifically, 1203 members
of the United States Air Force Office of Special Investigations completed a survey that measured family-to-work conflict,
work-to-family conflict, perceptions of work-life support from the organization, support from immediate supervisors, and support
from peers. Work-to-family and family-to-work conflict were related to job satisfaction and turnover intentions. Perceived
social support, especially at the organizational level, was negatively correlated with work-to-family and family-to-work conflict.
Agents within the OSI were experiencing more work-to-family and family-to-work conflict than OSI support staff although the
relationships among support, conflict and satisfaction were the same for the two groups. 相似文献
309.
310.