全文获取类型
收费全文 | 407篇 |
免费 | 28篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 76篇 |
世界政治 | 20篇 |
外交国际关系 | 29篇 |
法律 | 234篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 61篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 23篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 37篇 |
2016年 | 37篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 34篇 |
2013年 | 69篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 18篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 18篇 |
2007年 | 11篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有435条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
In this article, the authors discuss the role of emotions in mediation with the goal of providing practical insights that can improve the mediation process. Their assumption is that emotion is ever-present, particularly in conflict, and that acknowledging and addressing underlying emotions facilitates conflict transformation during the mediation process. 相似文献
92.
93.
Jessica Gienow-Hecht 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):269-282
This analysis addresses the question of how different levels of culture were used in the Cold War by political and civil institutions to influence public opinion in Western Europe, and, more specifically, in Germany. It illuminates how what are commonly defined as ‘cultural exports’ or ‘cultural propaganda’ refer to a highly heterogeneous and complex group of governmental and non-governmental agents, actions and motivations. While governmental exports focused increasingly on highbrow products such as book and art exhibits, manifestations of popular culture were only admitted if they revealed a specific educational purpose. It can be argued that high culture provided the basis for much Cold War propaganda as much as the Cold War manipulated representations of high culture. Competing against communist claims that America had no high culture, US Cold War programs invoked previous instances of high cultural exchange, particularly with Germany. In doing so, they sealed and politicized a cultural partnership that had been in existence for almost 100 years. 相似文献
94.
95.
96.
Jessica Lindvert 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2):99-107
This article focuses on the process of gender-equality policy in Sweden and Australia, from 1960 to 1990. It is suggested that the comparative gender analysis must be more susceptible for civil rights issues. A second argument is that the in-depth achievements of the Swedish gender equality policy and the relative weaknesses in other respects are better understood if Swedish gender policy is analysed from an institutional perspective. Finally, the analysis provides an institutional explanation of why it is problematic to establish and maintain policies that do not build on the dominant political tradition of the welfare state in question. 相似文献
97.
98.
99.
An old adage holds that “only Nixon could go to China”; that is, hawkish leaders face fewer domestic barriers than doves when it comes to pursuing reconciliation with foreign enemies. However, empirical evidence for this proposition is mixed. In this article, we clarify competing theories, elucidate their implications for public opinion, and describe the results of a series of survey experiments designed to evaluate whether and why there is a hawk's advantage. We find that hawks are indeed better positioned domestically to initiate rapprochement than doves. We also find support for two key causal mechanisms: Voters are more confident in rapprochement when it is pursued by a hawk and are more likely to view hawks who initiate conciliation as moderates. Further, the hawk's advantage persists whether conciliatory efforts end in success or failure. Our microfoundational evidence thus suggests a pronounced domestic advantage for hawks who deliver the olive branch. 相似文献
100.
Robert Agnew Heather Scheuerman Jessica Grosholz Deena Isom Lesley Watson Sherod Thaxton 《Journal of criminal justice》2011,39(2):227