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201.
Bret L. Billet Jan Knippers Black Daniel H. Levine Maristella Botticini Allan C. Reddy Lawrence S. Graham Harvey Glickman Fred H. Lawson Thomas U. Berger Paul W. Kuznets Yuan-li Wu Marianne A. Ferber Stephen P. Mumme Dilmus D. James Alison Brysk Carrie A. Meyer Juan M. del Aguila Robert W. Anderson Walter C. Opello M. C. Hallberg Luth Tweenten Anderson Professor 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1994,29(3):84-126
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This paper examines the economic costs and benefits of incarceration of criminals, elaborating upon and correcting flaws in
Zedlewski’s 1987 claims that incarceration is a cost-minimizing crime prevention strategy. We use Bureau of Justice Statistics
data to demonstrate gross errors in Zedlewski’s crude estimates. We find that the costs of incarceration are more than double
the benefits in costs of crime avoided. We conclude that the cost-saving incapacitation effects of incarceration do not warrant
either the current levels of imprisonment or any future increases. 相似文献
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A Wider Range of Friends: Multi‐speed Organising during the 2015 Labour Leadership Contest
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Jessica Garland 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(1):23-30
The British Labour party's recent adoption of a partially open primary for the selection of its leader conforms to a trend seen across many European political parties of increasing rights and privileges in internal party decision‐making and expanding opportunities for more loosely affiliated supporters to participate in party activity. This dual trend can be seen as a response to changes in the membership environment, greater individualisation of political participation and growth in social movement politics and online activism. Yet as much as parties are responding to a changed membership environment, they are also driving that change, increasingly blurring the distinction between members and supporters. This article examines the recent impact of this change within the British Labour party and argues that, in line with Susan Scarrow's theory of ‘multi‐speed’ membership, the Labour party's experiment in expanding affiliation options has led directly to a tension in locating the source of authority within the party, creating a challenge for its new leader in accommodating his new supporters within his party's representative traditions. 相似文献
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Many researchers point to gender inequities in party recruitment practices to explain women’s underrepresentation on the ballot. However, there has been little systematic research about how men and women respond to recruitment, so we do not know whether gender-balanced recruitment would actually lead to gender-balanced outcomes. We conduct two studies to address this question. First, in cooperation with a county Republican Party, we identically recruited 5510 male and 5506 female highly active party members to attend a free candidate training seminar. Republican women were half as likely to respond to the invitation as men. Second, we conducted a survey experiment of 3960 voters on the Utah Colleges Exit Poll. Republican men’s level of self-reported political ambition was increased by the prospect of elite recruitment significantly more than Republican women’s, thereby increasing the gender gap vis-à-vis the control. The gender gap in the effect of recruitment on political ambition among Democrats was much smaller. Together, these findings suggest that to fully understand the role recruitment plays in women’s underrepresentation, researchers must understand the ways in which men and women respond to recruitment, not just whether political elites engage in gendered recruitment practices. 相似文献
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