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221.
Jessica Leigh Doyle 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2016,43(3):403-422
Since the early 1990s support for civil society has constituted the linchpin of international efforts in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) to promote democratisation and democratic values. The rationale for this support lies in an understanding of civil society drawn from a liberal-democratic model, which dominates debates about civil society. This paper highlights the inaccuracies of this model when applied to the MENA and, using Turkey as an example, draws attention to the perils of supporting civil society organisations (CSOs) based on its conjectures. A critical analysis of CSOs and their role in Turkish society, drawing on the theoretical framework laid down by Gramsci, highlights two key issues: (1) contrary to the dominant policy view which equates civil society organisations with democracy, CSOs often assist elites in both democratic and undemocratic states to extend and consolidate their political economic power; (2) the idealisation of civil society by Western policy makers results in a diminished awareness of the factors which weaken civil society and erodes its democratic potential. Overall, the findings support the assertion that CSOs in the MENA facilitate predominantly elite interests over those of ordinary citizens and democracy more broadly. 相似文献
222.
Jessica R. Gurley Brittany L. Sheehan Lisa Drago Piechowski Justine Gray 《Psychological injury and law》2014,7(1):9-17
The admissibility of the Rorschach has been a concern of forensic psychologists for many years. The focus of this debate has been the Comprehensive System, which is the most researched of the current Rorschach Systems available in the USA. However, recently, a new, competing system has been published: the Rorschach Performance Assessment System (R-PAS; Meyer et al., Rorschach Performance Assessment System: Administration, Coding, Interpretation, and Technical Manual, 2011). Using Heilbrun’s (Law and Human Behavior 16:257–272, 1992) guidelines as a framework, we examine the admissibility of this new system according to the standards outlined in Daubert (1993) and Frye (1923). We conclude that we have reservations about the admissibility of the R-PAS in court at the present time, notwithstanding ongoing work on this system. 相似文献
223.
Jessica J. Asscher Maja Deković Willeke Manders Peter H. van der Laan Pier J. M. Prins Sander van Arum 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2014,10(2):227-243
Objectives
The present study focused on the sustainability of the effects of Multisystemic Therapy (MST) on delinquency and recidivism.Methods
A sample of 256 juveniles with severe and persistent antisocial behavior were randomly assigned to MST (147) and Treatment As Usual (TAU) (109) condition. Pre-test assessment took place before the start of MST/control group treatment. Post-test assessment took place at 6 months after termination of the program. Delinquency (parent and adolescent reported) was assessed 6 months after termination of the treatment. Official judicial data were collected to assess recidivism, with a mean length of follow-up of 3.06 years. ANCOVAs and survival analyses were used to test the effectiveness of MST.Results
The multi-informant data showed that MST is effective in diminishing delinquent behavior as reported by adolescents and parents, with d’s larger than at post-test assessment immediately after ending of the intervention. The official judicial data, however, suggest that there are no differences between MST and TAU in recidivism. Few and inconsistent moderator effects were found.Conclusions
According to parent and adolescent reports, the beneficial effects of MST were sustained at the follow-up. This was not supported by official data. These results stress the importance of using multi-informant data on delinquency, as each source of information has its own advantages and disadvantages. 相似文献224.
Bone Jessica K. Bu Feifei Fluharty Meg E. Paul Elise Sonke Jill K. Fancourt Daisy 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(8):1463-1482
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Arts and cultural engagement is a potential strategy for reducing or preventing reportedly antisocial or criminalized behaviors (those previously and... 相似文献
225.
Conner Bradley T. Kentopp Shane D. ODonnell Maeve B. Wallace Gemma T. Morse Jessica L. Arkfeld Patrice A. Steger Michael F. Rebecca Rachel 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(8):1622-1635
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Previous research indicates that sensation seeking, emotion dysregulation, and impulsivity are predictive of non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI). A body of research... 相似文献
226.
Padilla Medina Diana M. Gilbar Ohad Williams Jessica R. 《Journal of family violence》2022,37(7):1181-1193
Journal of Family Violence - This mixed-methods paper describes the development and preliminary validation of the Behavioral Intentions Questionnaire (BIQ), a multi-scale questionnaire developed to... 相似文献
227.
Party system issue agendas are formed by the topics that individual parties decide to address, and these salience decisions are likely to be strategic. Two key strategies are commonly discussed in the literature: parties’ focus on (1) issues that they have ownership over and (2) issues that currently concern voters. Yet it is not known what explains the extent to which parties pursue each of these strategies. This paper argues that aspects of party organisation influence which salience strategy is pursued. Parties that have more resources will be able to ‘ride the wave’ of current concerns while parties with fewer resources are more likely to focus on their best issues. Furthermore, policy-seeking parties with strong activist influence will be less likely to ‘ride the wave’ and more likely to follow issue ownership strategies. An analysis of 105 election manifestos from 27 elections in 17 countries shows that aspects of party organisation are indeed strong and robust moderators of issue ownership strategies. Limited, albeit mixed, evidence is also found that party organisation affects the use of ‘riding the wave’ strategies. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral campaigns, party competition and voter representation. 相似文献
228.
Christine Frederickx M.Sc. Jessica Dekeirsschieter M.Sc. Francois J. Verheggen Ph.D. Eric Haubruge Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(1):242-249
This study investigated the role of odorant cues used during host‐habitat location by the generalist parasitoid, Nasonia vitripennis Walker. Nasonia vitripennis is a common parasitoid of Dipteran pupae found in association with decaying carrion. Behavioral assays were used to investigate the host‐habitat searching behavior under different scenarios. First, we demonstrated N. vitripennis to be significantly attracted toward odorant cues associated with decaying meat. The biological activity of nine of the volatile molecules constituting the odor of decaying meat was tested on the searching behavior of parasitoid females through two complementary chemoecological approaches: electroantennography (EAG) and olfactometry bioassays. Butanoic acid and butan‐1‐ol elicited high olfactory responses, but no attraction was induced by these two chemicals. Behavioral assays showed that, among the VOCs tested, methyldisulfanylmethane (DMDS) was the only volatile chemical to induce attraction in N. vitripennis. 相似文献
229.
Jessica Davis 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):279-291
Female suicide bombers are increasingly seen in conflicts throughout the world; in recent years, they have become much more prevalent in religious-fundamentalist conflict. Specifically, global jihadist groups are increasingly incorporating female suicide bombers into their operations, a significant ideological and operational shift for most of these groups. Jihadist groups are using women to fill a recruiting void, to achieve tactical surprise, and for strategic purposes. Female suicide bombers are likely to emerge in jihadist conflicts throughout the world, from Nigeria to Pakistan and beyond. 相似文献
230.
Jessica Gall 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(1):97-129
In Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, the Supreme Court of the United States declared unconstitutional a Minnesota judicial canon prohibiting judicial candidates from announcing their views on issues likely to come before them. This triggered legal action in other states and a debate not only over speech rights, but over the state of the judiciary as well. With the growing presence of interest groups in judicial elections and increasing campaign spending, it is no surprise that polls show that more than 70% of voters believe money influences judicial decisions. This article examines the history of judicial selection and canons on speech through a lens of First Amendment theory, focusing on practical responses to the precedent set in White. It is critical that states take action to restore public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the courts. Merit selection, campaign finance reform, strict recusal standards and a better informed public are viable alternatives to speech-restricting canons. 相似文献