全文获取类型
收费全文 | 305篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 13篇 |
工人农民 | 39篇 |
世界政治 | 19篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 167篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 58篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 42篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有318条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
131.
Joanne Conaghan 《Feminist Legal Studies》1999,7(2):203-214
This commentary explores the scope and content of the Protection from Harassment Act, recently introduced in the UK, focusing
in particular on s.3 which creates a civil cause of action for harassment. The author considers the strategic possibilities
for feminists concerned with enhancing remedies for sexual harassment as well as the drawbacks of the Act, particularly its
capacity to be deployed in a wide range of contexts not all of which necessarily promote justice or enhance civil and political
rights. The author concludes by emphasising the important role of the courts in defining and delineating the scope of the
Act as well as exploring the possibility of continued development of the common law principle in Wilkinson v. Downton.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
132.
Robert R. Weathers II Michelle Stegman Bailey 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2014,33(3):623-648
We use data from a social experiment to estimate the impact of a rehabilitation and counseling program on the labor market activity of newly entitled Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) beneficiaries. Our results indicate that the program led to a 4.6 percentage point increase in the receipt of employment services within the first year following random assignment and a 5.1 percentage point increase in participation in the Social Security Administration's Ticket to Work program within the first three years following random assignment. The program led to a 5.3 percentage point increase, or almost 50 percent increase, in employment, and an $831 increase in annual earnings in the second calendar year after the calendar year of random assignment. The employment and earnings impacts are smaller and not statistically significant in the third calendar year following random assignment, and we describe SSDI rules that are consistent with this finding. Our findings indicate that disability reform proposals focusing on restoring the work capacity of people with disabilities can increase the disability employment rate. 相似文献
133.
134.
David J. Bailey 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(4):593-612
This article argues that existing accounts of the transformation from 'traditional' to 'new' social democracy has thus far only identified the contextual changes that have prompted this move. In doing so, they have failed to account for the motives of social democratic party actors in undertaking the transition to 'new' social democracy in response to those changes. The article draws upon a critical realist method, and Marxist and anti-representational theories, to conceptualise 'traditional' social democratic party relations as suffering from tensions between constituents' demands for decommodification, the attempt by party elites to contain (and thereby 'represent') those demands and the (in)compatibility of this process of containment with the need to recommodify social relations in the light of periodic crises in contemporary capitalism. It argues that these tensions explain the attempt by party elites to promote the move towards 'new' social democracy, the (eventual) acquiescence of party constituents to those attempts and the subsequent exit from social democratic constituencies which has resulted. The argument is made with reference to the British Labour Party and Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). 相似文献
135.
This article discusses the endemic nature of violence in South Africa. The authors hypothesize that the culture in South Africa is autocratic in nature. They compare the socialization that occurs between democratic and autocratic families and the relationship this has to later problem-solving and conflict resolution behavior. People raised in an authoritarian culture need to develop skills that will enable them to learn an alternative to violence in conflict and problem-solving situations. The authors describe two educational interventions that followed this model. Available results are presented. Both historically and today, violence in South Africa is endemic. Examples of South Africans committing violent acts because they feel justified fill today's media. Despite hopes and visions for a new South Africa and examples of goodwill and peaceful common ground between the different political positions, these violent acts emanate from all points of the political compass. Historically, we find examples such as the black tribal wars -- the African/Zulu wars, the Zulu/British wars, and the Anglo/Boer Wars.(1),(2) Although some positive processes of change occur in the country, a violent approach to problem-solving still remains. It is evident, both through research and perception, that all major population clusters (including whites, Africans, and other populations in South Africa) are predominantly authoritarian by virtue of their origin, their education, and their creed. This authoritarian culture may contribute toward the resistance against democratic processes and possibly heighten the opportunity for violence. The birth of liberation amplifies this dynamic situation. For all parties involved, liberation heightens the “fear for loss”(3) and creates a non-productive power struggle. In this paper, we first explore why we believe that violence is endemic in this country, showing how an authoritarian culture may contribute to this problem. Second, we will describe two OD interventions presented in separate educational settings that were designed to reduce violence. 相似文献
136.
Joanne E Davies 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1147-1163
Growing criticism of Chinese engagement in Africa centres on the risk to African development posed by China's aggressive export policies and the threat to the Washington Consensus and African governance posed by China's ‘non-interference’ approach to engagement. This article challenges both these assumptions. The growth of Chinese trade has a wide range of impacts, depending on the sector in question, and the current terms of trade Washington extends to Africa under the auspices of the agoa do not result in uniformly beneficial effects. With regard to African governance, it is argued that the ‘Washington Consensus’ has been based on competing and often muddled perceptions of US national interest. This fact tempers the regret felt at Washington's loss of influence over the good governance agenda. Evidence is provided to show that China can work within properly regulated countries and industries, if the African governments in question can provide fair, efficient and transparent environments in which to operate. 相似文献
137.
The longstanding emphasis on the neighbourhood as a scale for intervention and action has given rise to a variety of forms of governance with a number of different rationales. The predominant rationales about the purpose of neighbourhood governance are encapsulated in a fourfold typology developed by Lowndes and Sullivan (2008). This article sets out to test this approach by drawing on an evaluation of neighbourhood initiatives in the City of Westminster which were delivered through a third sector organisation, the Paddington Development Trust. ‘Insider’ perspectives gathered at city and neighbourhood levels regarding the infrastructure for neighbourhood management are discussed and evaluated in the light of these rationales. The conclusions, while broadly reflecting Lowndes and Sullivan and a follow-up study of Manchester, suggest that in Westminster the civic and economic rationales tend to predominate. However, the Westminster approach is contingent on the prevailing ethos and funding regimes at central and local levels and remains relatively detached from mainstream services. While community empowerment is an important part of the policy rhetoric, it is argued that in practice a ‘strategy of containment’ operates whereby residents in the neighbourhoods have relatively little control over targets and resources and that new governance mechanisms can be relatively easily de-coupled when required. In retrospect, co-production might have been a more effective model for neighbourhood governance, not least given its fit with policy direction. 相似文献
138.
This article uses attitudinal data to explore Catholic and Protestant perspectives on community relations and equality since the paramilitary cease fires in 1994. Although attitudes tend to fluctuate with the ‘headline grabbing’ events of the day, the article argues that there are signs that some fundamental changes have taken place in the post cease fire period. Of particular importance in this regard is the positive response recorded by the Catholic community towards government measures to tackle disadvantage and inequality. Equally significant is the protestant response to many of these measures which is often one of ambivalence rather than derision. In so far as the data appear to challenge the ‘zero-sum’ game that traditionally underpins relations between the two communities in Northern Ireland, they provide some grounds for optimism. Yet such optimism is tempered somewhat by the seeds of discontent which are manifest within the protestant community, particularly around issues of equality in employment and cultural traditions. Despite the more positive assessment of community relations and equality in 2002, it is argued that further monitoring will be required to determine the long-term effects of policy reform on relationships between the two communities. 相似文献
139.
Bailey JA 《Journal of forensic sciences》2007,52(6):1314-1318
A classification system and identification key for .177 caliber air gun pellets was developed based on a five-class characteristic criterion. Sixty-eight pellet types from 15 companies were examined and compared. A classification system was developed based on the pellets' head shapes, skirt types, lengths, weights, and other markings or observations. In some cases, when a pellet is recovered from a crime scene, product brand identification may aid the investigation. Even though all product brands cannot be identified, various brands of pellets can be eliminated based on a pellet's class characteristics. The pellet producers in this study were located in the following countries: China, Czech Republic, England, Korea, Spain, and the United States. An identification key can be used for possible pellet identification or elimination. 相似文献
140.