全文获取类型
收费全文 | 307篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 13篇 |
工人农民 | 39篇 |
世界政治 | 19篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 167篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 58篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 16篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 42篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有319条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
261.
Bailey Marsheck 《北京周报(英文版)》2020,(6):48-48
When I moved to Beijing’s Haidian District in August 2019 to begin my studies at Peking University,I hadn’t foreseen how my lifestyle would be so fundamentally altered by the citys deep technological interconnection.Yet only a few months later,the thought of handling payments with cash or debit/credit cards instead of WeChat China’s popular multipurpose app,via a QR code seems practically arcane.In the United States,we often still use chip readers and sign our receipts,drawing puzzled looks from Chinese tourists. 相似文献
262.
Joanne Wallis 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):613-635
Abstract There has been an increasing attempt to theorise the emergence of a liberal-local hybrid approach to state-building, which recognises the coexistence and interaction of liberal and local socio-political institutions. There has not yet been a sustained attempt to understand what occurs when a liberal-local approach is adopted from the outset of a state-building operation. This article seeks to fill this gap by applying the literature to the state-building process in Bougainville, an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea. 相似文献
263.
Joanne Wright 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):281-299
ABSTRACT Terrorism and how to respond to it looms large in the current transatlantic debate, with the Europeans often being accused of failing to recognise terrorism as the major strategic issue of the early twenty-first century and thus putting their own security as well as that of others at risk. This is both true and false. It is true in the sense that fifteen years after the end of the Cold War, the Europeans still lack a global strategic vision, never mind how the threat from terrorism might impact upon it. But it is false in the sense that it understates what the Europeans can and are doing to reduce and manage terrorism on a global scale. The article is structured into four sections. The first examines terrorist activity in Europe post-9/11. The second deals with how the Europeans responded to 9/11 collectively within the EU. The third section focuses on what are termed the “outreach” activities of the Europeans via the United National Security Council, G-8, OSCE, NATO, and the European Union. And finally the article concludes that it is this outreach by the Europeans that holds the most promise for effectively countering international terrorism, that the Americans are dependent on this activity, and that the Europeans have to modify their strategic vision in order to deliver more effectively. 相似文献
264.
Stephen J. Bailey 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):429-449
This paper analyses Glasgow's use of the Prudential Borrowing Framework (PBF) for rationalisation and renewal of its primary schools and the additional borrowing costs to be met by the resulting efficiency savings and by sale of surplus school sites. Our findings reveal that the PBF has many perceived advantages compared with the Private Finance Initiative/Public Private Partnership (PFI/PPP) route to capital procurement and modernisation. In particular, the link between policy and the use of resources is more transparent under PBF than for PFI/PPPs. However, the approach to risk management seems to have become more relaxed using the PBF even though the Council now retains all associated risks. 相似文献
265.
266.
267.
268.
269.
Building on the growing body of research that supports the relationship between depressive symptoms and sexual activities
in adolescence, we examined how individual differences in interpersonal avoidance and anxiety might moderate this association.
Data were collected from 71 early adolescent girls (M age 13.45 years; SD = 0.68; 89% Caucasian) concurrently and 1 year later. Results indicated that greater depressive symptoms
predicted a greater frequency of sexual intercourse both concurrently and 1-year later, particularly among more interpersonally
avoidant girls. However, greater depressive symptoms predicted a greater frequency of non-intercourse activities 1-year later
among less avoidant girls. Implications for understanding how individual differences in interpersonal style may serve as risk
or protective factors in dysphoric girls’ sexual experiences are discussed. 相似文献
270.
Conspiracy Endorsement as Motivated Reasoning: The Moderating Roles of Political Knowledge and Trust 下载免费PDF全文
Joanne M. Miller Kyle L. Saunders Christina E. Farhart 《American journal of political science》2016,60(4):824-844
Given the potential political and social significance of conspiracy beliefs, a substantial and growing body of work examines the individual‐level correlates of belief in conspiracy theories and general conspiratorial predispositions. However, although we know much about the psychological antecedents of conspiracy endorsement, we know less about the individual‐level political causes of these prevalent and consequential beliefs. Our work draws from the extant literature to posit that endorsement of conspiracy theories is a motivated process that serves both ideological and psychological needs. In doing so, we develop a theory that identifies a particular type of person—one who is both highly knowledgeable about politics and lacking in trust—who is most susceptible to ideologically motivated conspiracy endorsement. Further, we demonstrate that the moderators of belief in conspiracy theories are strikingly different for conservatives and liberals. 相似文献