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941.
Michael H. Hoffman 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2000,34(1):99-110
The purpose of this paper is to examine the traditional paradigm of international law that regulates warfare and defines criminal behavior,and examine how the emergence of new actors has changed the environmentof armed conflict. The existing paradigm takes into account state actorsand insurgents who have recognizable political goals. All such combatantshave some stake in the existing international political system and somemeans are available (military intervention, war crimes trials) to compeltheir compliance with the law. However, new categories of combatants areemerging. They are not connected to states, may have no political goalsand are difficult to reach or persuade with time-tested methods.Compelling or persuading them to better compliance with the law is essential to protect vulnerable populations from their depredations.The paper concludes by identifying some contributions that criminologistscan make toward understanding these groups and devising strategies to meetthe challenge of war crimes. Those contributions by criminologists wouldbe equally valuable in dealing with the problem of war crimes and ``traditional' combatants. 相似文献
942.
This paper attempts to examine the underlying structure of analogical reasoning in decision making. The immediate (but not exclusive) context is the form of reasoning commonly seen as prevalent in common-law judicial decision making. Following Wittgenstein and Strawson the paper identifies the problem of the contingency of transitivity ofanalogical relations as a serious impediment to analogical reasoning. It then proceeds to offer a method of translation that delineates the borders of contingency and analyticity of transitivity in such cases, as well as proposeshow these borders may be manipulated. The theoretical insight is to treat analogical relations anaphorically, as ``propredicates'.Accordingly, the translation involves constructive functional transformation from the form of meaning as continuum to the form of meaning as n-chotomies. Greimasian semiotics are then critically applied to examine in what sense ``translation' – in this specific sense – can count as the ``deep structure' of analogical/transitive reasoning, and what sucha claim entails in terms of linguistic ideology. Although the model of translation is formal it is not acontextual, and must be supplemented by importation of constitutive practicalconsiderations (i.e. norms) from concrete decision-making contexts. As such this is a case study of the pragmatic functions offormalization – a conception that may seem alien to some. When determining which states-of-affairs are deemed compatible, the formal model is shown to serve as a framework to what eventually becomes a pragmatic device. 相似文献
943.
944.
Michael Dyer 《Political studies》2001,49(1):30-50
This article considers the decline of Scottish Conservatism, 1951–97. The statistical data indicate that 91 percent of the variance in Tory support is accounted for by an underlying negative trend against time, that similar patterns appear when the data is disaggregated by region, and that short-term fluctuations have been more in conformity with English results than is conventionally understood. The process of generational change is seen as a waning of the cultural conditions which produced the centre-right coalition that dominated Scottish politics, 1931–64, and its fragmentation into Conservatism, Liberalism, and Scottish Nationalism. The changed circumstances are not seen as peculiarly Scottish, but the consequences for Scottish Conservatism of an evolution affecting the centre-right across the United Kingdom. 相似文献
945.
946.
Absent from assessments of feminism's influence on the academy and the disciplines is an evaluation of the impact of feminist thought on policy research. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate feminist scholarship's presence in the core policy and higher education journals. The first section of the paper explains why it is important to consider the influence of feminism on the policy literature. This is followed by a discussion of what is meant by feminism in the context of this paper. The third section presents the methodology used in evaluating the literature. The paper concludes with a discussion of the findings and implications 相似文献
947.
948.
Michael C. Davis 《Human Rights Review》2001,2(2):7-17
Conclusion In a recent speech Amartya Sen argued that democracy had become a universal value. He argued that at this time the burden
is on those who would deny democracy to justify their position. He argued that this was a historic change from not long ago
when the advocates for democracy in Aisa or Africa had to argue for democracy with their backs to the wall. In Asia, China
has historically championed the fight against imperialism and has celebrated the fact the the Chinese people have stood up
to take their much-deserved place in the world. For China, which as worked so assertively to bring its nation into the modern
world, it is a sign of failure if Tibetans, and even Chinese, have to continue to argue for genuine democracy and self-government
with their backs against the wall. The Tibetans really face no dilemma since they are offered no choice except to defend their
basic interest.
But at present the Chinese leaders face a profound dilemma whether to embrace the modern values that are consistent with their
own development and reform process or to continue to defy, especially in respect of Tibet, the very values they have championed
in their relationships with the rest of the world. It is with regard to these universal values, against imperialism and in
favor of democracy and self-rule, that solutions to the Tibetan problem should be found. To subjugate the Tibetan people is
not only inconsistent with contemporary values but is also in contradiction of the pressures for change being spawned by China’s
own emerging order in its reform era. It is within China’s power at present to set about solving the issues it confronts with
Tibet. It can do so in ways that are consistent with its long-term developmetn interests or, alternatively, insist on old
style imperial domination at the long-term costs of fostering a territorial and political structure for development that is
inadequate both for itself and Tibet. 相似文献
949.
950.
Michael Thrasher Galina Borisyuk Colin Rallings Ron Johnston Charles Pattie 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(4):391-411
Electoral bias results in an asymmetrical seat distribution between parties with similar vote shares. Over recent British general elections Labour held an advantage because it efficiently converted votes into seats. Following the 2015 election result this advantage has reduced considerably, principally because Labour’s vote distribution saw it accumulate more ineffective votes, particularly where electoral support was not converted into seats. By contrast, the vote distribution of the Conservative party is now superior to that of Labour because it acquired fewer wasted votes although Labour retains a modest advantage overall because it benefits from inequalities in electorate size and differences in voter turnout. Features of the 2015 election, however, raise general methodological challenges for decomposing electoral bias. The analysis, therefore, considers the effect of substituting the Liberal Democrats as the third party with the United Kingdom Independence Party. It also examines the outcome in Scotland separately from that in England and Wales. Following this analysis it becomes clear that the method for decomposing electoral bias requires clearer guidelines for its application in specific settings. 相似文献