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381.
José María Rosales 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2016,21(3):225-241
This article explores the practices of democracy in Spain through the lens of its 20th-century constitutional moments, namely, those around the 1931 and the 1978 constitutions, with the aim of elucidating its changing ideological significance. Whereas in 1931, supporting democracy had a strongly partisan meaning, as every endorsement of the democratic ideal entailed a conflicting understanding of the Republic’s democratic character, in 1978 it gave rise to an integrative form of pluralism. Even if the former has left a deep imprint on Spanish politics, anticipating a kind of seemingly irreconcilable opposition between left and right, the latter has proved instrumental in the consolidation of the new democratic regime. After the institutional distortion of democracy during the four-decade dictatorship’s ‘organic democracy’, since 1977 the ideal of democracy was thoroughly recast into a pluralist ideology. Unlike views describing it as a consensual regime, the article argues that the politics of consensus tested since the 1977 constitutional debates paved the way for the accommodation of democratic pluralism; furthermore, the culture of pacts it contributed to set up has continued to inspire a new form of adversarial, parliamentary politics well beyond the transition years. 相似文献
382.
Frequency data of 20 polymorphisms (13 autosomal and 6 Y-chromosome STRs and the Alu-insertion YAP) were determined in a sample of 124 unrelated Jewish individuals from Ashkenazi, Sephardic, North African and Oriental origin. The a priori statistical power of the set of studied loci was highly discriminating (PD=1 in 2.393 E+15 individuals for autosomal STRs, and a probability of finding two unrelated males with the same haplotype of less than 0.01). Some significant population differences were registered between Jews and other Circummediterranean populations in Y-chromosome loci frequencies. 相似文献
383.
Improved estimation of postmortem interval based on differential behaviour of vitreous potassium and hypoxantine in death by hanging 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
Muñoz Barús JI Suárez-Peñaranda J Otero XL Rodríguez-Calvo MS Costas E Miguéns X Concheiro L 《Forensic science international》2002,125(1):67-74
Many formulae are available to estimate the relation between the potassium ([K+]) and hypoxantine ([Hx]) concentration in the vitreous humour and the postmortem interval (PMI). Typically these have been based on a correlation test and linear regression using the postmortal interval as the independent variable and [K+] or [Hx] as the dependent variable in order to estimate the confidence interval. However, a recent study has shown that a more precise measurement of PMI can be obtained if [K+] is used as the independent variable. The regression lines obtained from the most recent deceased subjects with forensic relevance received for autopsy in the Institute of Legal Medicine are [K+] = 5.589 + 0.174PMI and [Hx] = 26.459 + 3.017PMI, by changing the variables, we obtain PMI=3.967[K+] - 19.186 (R2 = 0.688, P < 0.001) and PMI = 0.172 [Hx] + 0.170 (R2 = 0.518, P < 0.001). In this paper we propose the cause of death as an extra factor which modifies the relationship and gives even greater precision in estimating PMI. In cases of death by hanging the results are considerably improved with [K+] = 5.224 + 0.225PMI and [Hx] = 15.161+4.957PMI, respectively, and consequently, PMI = 3.631[K+] - 17.334 (R2 = 0.818, P< 0.001) and PMI = 0.153[Hx] - 0.368 (R2 = 0.757, P < 0.001): the slope is less and the precision is obviously enhanced. 相似文献
384.
Pablo José Castillo Ortiz 《European Law Journal》2014,20(5):630-648
During the process of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, a number of constitutional jurisdictions were activated by political actors. In playing ‘the judicial card’, opponents of ratification decided to seek political goals through judicial means, and thus they were obliged to develop litigation strategies. This article explores such strategies and the responses that courts gave them. It shows that constitutional proceedings with regards to the Lisbon Treaty became a political battleground governed by legal logics, in which the interpretation of European clauses, the democratic deficit of the Union and the tensions underlying the European judicial dialogue were privileged objects of discussion between claimants and courts in which law and politics intertwined. 相似文献
385.
Debates on how the law affects citizens' behaviour have traditionally focused on two mechanisms: deterrence and perceptions of legitimacy. In recent years, some scholars have suggested that the law may also affect compliance through expressive mechanisms that reveal information about the world (for example, by eliciting the risks associated with a particular behaviour). Dharmapala and McAdams have called this the informative effect of law. However, to date very little empirical evidence of the existence of such an effect has emerged. In this article, we present the results of an experiment that tests for three different hypotheses as to how this effect may be produced. Our findings show that legislators' sincerity or their access to expert knowledge is not sufficient to produce information effects. Instead, we suggest an ‘asymmetry’ hypothesis: the fact that a law is passed or rejected has an asymmetrical information effect on subjects' risk perceptions. 相似文献
386.
José L. Barbero José C. Casillas Mike Wright Alicia Ramos Garcia 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2014,39(2):151-168
Incubators are heterogeneous but there is a lack of understanding of the variety of innovation involved. We use four archetypes of incubator discussed in the literature (basic research, university, economic development and private incubator) and analyze their generation of different types of innovation (product, technological process and organizational innovation) during a 4 years period (2005–2008). In a sample of 80 incubators, we find that incubatees in some types of incubators are more prone to generate product and technological process innovations than those hosted in other types. 相似文献
387.
Jos Philips 《Human Rights Review》2014,15(3):239-257
Should conflicts among human rights be dealt with by including general principles for priority setting at some prominent place in the practice of human rights? This essay argues that neither setting prominent and principled priorities nor a case-by-case approach are likely to be defensible as general solutions. The main reasons concern how best to realize all human rights for all. Conflicts among human rights are more defensibly addressed (1) by checking whether the conflict has been correctly diagnosed: Do human rights as a whole get due priority? Have feasibility considerations inherent in human rights been considered, and the possibility of bringing in additional dutybearers? (2) If a conflict among human rights is genuine, formal principles for priority setting are of some help. Sometimes, it is clear that these should be “upgraded” to substantive principles and sometimes that they should not. Many cases, however, are as yet unclear and will need further investigation. 相似文献
388.
389.
Taís de Campos Moreira Maristela Ferigolo Simone Fernandes Xênia Barros Cláudia G. Mazoni Ana Regina Noto José Carlos Fernandes Galduróz Helena M. T. Barros 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(6):465-471
The objective of this study was to investigate psychological or physical violence associated with the use of alcohol, in residences
of individuals in Brazil and, also describe the social characteristics of aggressors and victims. Therefore, this study expects
to contribute to studies in Brazil that seek to clarify the relations between alcohol and violence in residences. A total
of 454 respondents, 12–65 years old, were assessed, they were sorted by the Kish method, and the residences randomly. The
SAMHSA questionnaire was utilized after translated and adapted to Brazilian conditions. 26% of the individuals reported psychological
violence, and 16% reported physical violence. The study’s main results set the differences in the reports for physical violence
(OR 7, 95% CI: 4–13) and psychological violence (OR 5, 95% CI: 3–8) in residences where someone arrived or became intoxicated
with alcohol (P < 0.05). 50% of the aggressors were under the effects of alcohol, and 77% of the victims were relatives of their aggressors.
Acts of violence are not necessarily associated with alcohol consumption. Men and women reported acts of domestic violence;
psychological violence was the most prevalent form. Men are currently the primary aggressors, while women are primarily the
victims 相似文献