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151.
Julia Bradshaw 《Liverpool Law Review》2013,34(3):195-215
The European Union is at the core of a supranational citizenship project. This supranational project resulted in a crystallised form of citizenship in 1992, although it has been subject to constant revision by the ECJ since then. Nonetheless, the basis on which this novel form of citizenship is predicated is the traditional national paradigm of citizenship, with all its inherent sensitivities and inhibitions replicated on the international stage. It will be suggested that this nation-centric focus is ultimately the single biggest failing of European Union citizenship and its greatest limitation. The very nature of the supranational entity is exclusionary, to the detriment of over a million individuals. This paper will address which sectors of the broader European society are most affected by European citizenship’s exclusive properties and will explore the Union’s obligations and its responsibility to include marginalised groups, particularly the stateless, refugees, and third country nationals on an equal footing with Member State nationals. The extent of the statelessness problem will form the main portion of the discussion with a view to considering the challenges these at risk individuals face on a daily basis and how they can be incorporated in the most effective way within the Union framework: such incorporation will, of necessity, also mandate an examination of surrounding human rights issues, all the more pressing in light of the post-Lisbon Union commitment to accede to the European Convention on Human Rights. The stateless are not the only marginalised group found in Union territory: third country nationals who do not benefit from Directive 2003/109 nonetheless make a considerable contribution without receiving the same rights and freedoms as those serendipitous enough to call themselves ‘long-term residents’. The human rights and democratic bases of the Union appear to be undermined by the restrictive approach to inclusion that has, to date, been taken when addressing non-nationals’ incorporation under the citizenship umbrella. This paper aims to assess the shortcomings of the European Citizenship project by highlighting the effects of its exclusivity and the limitations of its notion of inclusivity. Rather than establishing a single supranational form of citizenship the Union has, instead, succeeded in developing a multi-tiered and hierarchical construct, far removed from the notion of ‘a broader community of peoples’. It will culminate in a proposal for a significantly modified vision of Union citizenship which would seek to overcome the current version’s apparent limitations, elevating the standing of the at risk groups in such a way that their contribution to Union life is fully, and deservedly, recognised. 相似文献
152.
153.
Julia A. Jennings 《The History of the Family》2013,18(3):278-291
Servants were an important part of the northwestern European household economy in the preindustrial past. This study examines household-level characteristics that are predictive of the presence of rural servants using data from Orkney, Scotland. The number of servants present in a household is related to household composition, landholding size, and the marital status of the household head. In addition, the sex of the particular servant hired reveals that the labor of male and female servants is not fungible. The sex of the servant hired is related to the ratio of male and female household members of working age, the occupation of the head, household composition, and the size of the household's landholding. 相似文献
154.
155.
This study examines the intergenerational transmission of fertility behavior in Saba, Dutch Caribbean from 1876 to 2004 using reconstituted genealogies. Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients of several fertility measures and event-history models of age at first birth are used to explore relationships between the fertility of mothers and their children. The strength of intergenerational fertility ties varies by race and gender. Individuals that are better positioned to realize their fertility preferences have the strongest intergenerational associations, while individuals with the most limited reproductive options have the weakest intergenerational associations. This evidence supports hypotheses that posit the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, goals, and behaviors and the ability to act on those preferences as drivers of the presence or magnitude of links between the fertility of parents and their children. 相似文献
156.
157.
Domitrovich Celene E. Harris Alexis R. Syvertsen Amy K. Morgan Nicole Jacobson Linda Cleveland Michael Moore Julia E. Greenberg Mark T. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(7):1426-1441
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - There are fewer evidence-based social and emotional learning programs for middle school students compared to younger grades. This randomized controlled trial... 相似文献
158.
Werren J 《Journal of law and medicine》2007,15(2):254-271
This article analyses how bioethics and law interact and work together. The first half of the article provides definitions of both ethics and bioethics. The article then considers a number of different bioethical standpoints to demonstrate the variance of views in relation to bioethics. In addition, the first half of the article focuses on the different regulatory possibilities in regard to bioethical contexts. This demonstrates that law is of central importance to bioethics. This part also shows that even though law and ethics are often used simultaneously to achieve bioethical goals, law and ethics cannot be used interchangeably. Thus, even though it is somewhat inevitable that law will be used in the pursuit of the goals of bioethics, bioethics and bioethical principle should not be merely a vehicle for law-makers to utilise. The second half of the article focuses on the issues of autonomy and consent to demonstrate how law and ethics have developed in one of the foundation areas of bioethics. 相似文献
159.
Julia Wardhaugh 《Asian Journal of Criminology》2007,2(1):57-69
This paper is a reflection on the difficulties of conducting criminological research in rural India. It tells the story of
two periods of ethnographic fieldwork (1999 and 2002) conducted in one North Indian village (pseudonym: Nagaria). This article
is written in the ‘tales from the field’ narrative tradition, relying primarily on my own fieldwork experience and later reflections,
and intentionally making little reference to the methodological literature. Much of the paper - particularly the fieldwork
extracts - is written in the ‘ethnographic present’. A dramaturgical approach is adopted (Goffman 1959), with a focus on the ways in which social interaction may be understood as performance. Theatrical terminology is used to
underscore the ways in which field relationships may be stage managed. Contrary to conventional notions of the power of the
researcher, in this tale from the field it becomes clear that the superior acting skills of gatekeepers and key informants
led to the upstaging of this ethnographer.
Julia Wardhaugh is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Criminal Justice at University of Wales Bangor, United Kingdom. Her research interests include rural and urban crime and deviance in South Asia, and the criminalization of street homelessness in urban and rural Britain. 相似文献
Julia WardhaughEmail: |
Julia Wardhaugh is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Criminal Justice at University of Wales Bangor, United Kingdom. Her research interests include rural and urban crime and deviance in South Asia, and the criminalization of street homelessness in urban and rural Britain. 相似文献
160.
The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. 相似文献