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371.
372.
Shaw JJ 《Journal of law and medicine》2011,18(4):798-810
Although assisted suicide carries a maximum of 14 years imprisonment in England, courts and juries have historically demonstrated a reluctance to convict, most specifically in relation to those travelling abroad to accompany a terminally ill person seeking assisted dying. The possibility of prosecution is still present, however, and there have recently been a number of challenges to the law on assisted dying. During the consultation period of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 (UK) an amendment was proposed that would have legalised, among other things, assisting suicide overseas. However, it was voted down by peers who believed it to be dangerously radical. In 2008 a multiple sclerosis sufferer requested a clear policy statement, should her partner help her to seek assisted dying abroad in the future. After her application was initially rejected, Mrs Purdy was granted leave to appeal and following a favourable ruling by the House of Lords in 2009, the Director of Public Prosecutions clarified the law on assisted suicide, introducing a Full Code Test which includes the consideration of "public interest factors". Although the new guidelines are not a direct threat to the 50-year-old Suicide Act 1961 (UK), it is clearly an historic development: the latest in a series of high-profile cases and debates which have taken place over the last decade. It is suggested that English law on assisted dying continues to rely on a range of inappropriate concepts, taboos and superstitions, and it is from this perspective that the implications for future legislative reform are addressed. 相似文献
373.
Sarah D. Lynne-Landsman Julia A. Graber Tracy R. Nichols Gilbert J. Botvin 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(1):48-58
The theory of sensation seeking has conceptualized this construct as a stable personality trait associated with a variety
of problem behaviors. Reckless behavior theory posits that increases in reckless behavior during adolescence can be attributed,
in part, to increases in sensation seeking. This study evaluated patterns of stability and change in sensation seeking among
868 urban, minority youth (53% female), followed longitudinally across middle school (6th–8th grades). Group-based trajectory
analysis identified a stable low group (20%), a moderate increasing group (60%), and a stable high group (20%) each of which
demonstrated unique associations with changes in problem behaviors. Stable low sensation seekers reported consistently low
levels of aggression, delinquency, and substance use across middle school. Moderate increasing sensation seekers reported
significant increases in these risk behaviors over time from levels near zero in the 6th grade. Stable high sensation seekers
reported high, stable levels of aggression and delinquency upon entry into middle school as well as significant increases
in substance use across middle school. These results lend support to both theories and highlight a need for caution when categorizing
adolescents as high or low sensation seekers. 相似文献
374.
Eva R. Kimonis Jennifer L. Skeem Elizabeth Cauffman Julia Dmitrieva 《Law and human behavior》2011,35(5):381-391
There is growing support for the disaggregation of psychopathy into primary and secondary variants. This study examines whether
variants of psychopathy can be identified in a subsample (n = 116) of juvenile offenders with high scores on the Youth Version of the Psychopathy Checklist (PCL:YV). Model-based cluster
analysis of offenders’ scores on the PCL:YV and a measure of anxiety suggested a two-group solution. The derived clusters
manifested expected differences across theoretically relevant constructs of abuse history, hostility, and psychiatric symptoms.
Compared with low-anxious primary variants, high-anxious secondary variants manifested more institutional violence, greater
psychosocial immaturity, and more instability in institutional violence over a 2-year period, but similar stability in PCL:YV
scores. 相似文献
375.
The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. 相似文献
376.
In countries with long-standing agency traditions, the creation of new agencies rarely comes as a large-scale reform but rather as one structural choice of many possible, most notably a ministerial division. In order to make sense of these choices, the article discusses the role of political design—focusing on the role of political motivations, such as ideological turnover, replacement risks and ideological stands toward administrative efficiency—and organizational dynamics—focusing on the role of administrative legacies and existing organizational palettes. The article utilizes data on organizational creations in the Norwegian central state between 1947 and 2019, in order to explore how political design and organizational dynamics help us understand the creation of agencies relative to ministry divisions over time. We find that political motives matter a great deal for the structural choices made by consecutive Norwegian governments, but that structural path dependencies may also be at play. 相似文献
377.
Ori Aronson Julia Elad-Strenger Thomas Kessler Yuval Feldman 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(3):833-850
Public legitimation of legal decisionmaking can be promoted through various strategies. We examine strategies of legitimation that are premised on personalizing the public image of legal agents. A personalized public administration emphasizes individual decisionmakers and seeks legitimacy through familiarity with the character, identity, and virtues of individual agents, whereas a non-personalized public administration projects an ethos of technocratic decisionmaking, seeking legitimacy through institutional objectivity and impartiality. We conducted an experiment to examine the efficacy of personalization strategies in the context of a politically charged legal affair: the criminal cases involving the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. We focus on people's perceived objectivity of the office of the Israeli attorney general (AG), given exposure (vs. no exposure) to different types of personal information about the AG, and while manipulating the salience of contrasting decisions concerning Netanyahu (indicting him on several counts of corruption versus exculpating him in others). We find that exposure to personal information about the AG decreased the perceived objectivity of his office, compared to no exposure to personal information, regardless of the type of information, decision salience, and respondents' political leanings. Our findings, therefore, support the legitimating potential of the non-personalization of decisionmakers, and show that it pertains to people positioned as both “losers” and “winners” with regard the political impact of the decision. The study further reflects the capacity of nonabstract real-world, real-time, analyses to shed light on the drivers of public trust in legal decisionmaking in politically polarized contexts—an issue of pertinence in many contemporary democracies. 相似文献
378.
Alexandra Kriz Julia Tresidder Anne-Maree Dowd Jay Weerawardena Lars Witell Hannah Snyder Rohan de Pallant 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2023,82(3):400-404
Publicly funded national science agencies create value as innovation catalysts and through their scientific and research missions, they tackle wicked problems. Understanding how dynamic capabilities and business model innovation enable research-intensive organisations to seize the market in the mission is key to translating bold new science that has impact. We qualitatively explore how Australia's national science agency—the Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO)—has pursued open innovation to support business model–dynamic capabilities in an evolving publicly funded landscape. We reflect on the value of open innovation initiatives that have allowed the CSIRO to ambidextrously pursue world-class science while achieving impact.
Points for practitioners
- Dynamic capabilities and business model innovation are strategic tools for publicly funded national science agencies seeking to seize the market in the mission.
- We examine a case of business model–dynamic capabilities in CSIRO.
- Open innovation has been important for CSIRO as part of an ambidextrous approach.