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101.
Nicole Lafko Breslend Erin K. Shoulberg Julia D. McQuade Dianna Murray-Close 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(9):1894-1906
Youth in early adolescence are highly concerned with being popular in the peer group, but the desire to be popular can have maladaptive consequences for individuals. In fact, qualitative work suggests that youth with high popularity goals who are nonetheless unpopular have negative experiences with their peers. However, little quantitative work has examined this possibility. The purpose of the current study was to examine if popularity goals were linked with physical (e.g., being hit) and relational (e.g., being excluded) victimization and peer rejection, particularly for individuals who strived for popularity but were viewed by their peers as unpopular. Late elementary and early middle school participants (N?=?205; 54% female) completed self-reports of popularity goals and peer nominations of popularity and peer rejection. Teachers reported on students’ experiences of relational and physical victimization. Peer nominated popularity and gender were moderators of the association between popularity goals and negative peer experiences. Consistent with hypotheses, girls who were unpopular but wanted to be popular were more likely to experience peer rejection and relational victimization. Unexpectedly, boys who were unpopular but did not desire to be popular were more likely to be rejected and relationally victimized. The findings suggest that intervention and prevention programs may benefit from addressing the social status goals of low status youth in a gender-specific manner. 相似文献
102.
ABSTRACTConstructing convincing legitimacy claims is important for securing the stability of authoritarian regimes. However, extant research has struggled to systematically analyse how authoritarians substantiate their right to rule. We analyse a novel data set on authoritarian regimes’ claims to legitimacy that is based on leading country experts’ assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. This analysis provides key new insights into the inner workings and legitimation strategies of current non-democratic regimes. Closed authoritarian regimes predominately rely on identity-based legitimacy claims (foundational myth, ideology and personalism). In contrast, elections fundamentally change how authoritarian rulers relate to society. In their legitimacy claims, electoral authoritarian regimes focus on their ‘adequate’ procedures, thereby mimicking democracies. All regimes also stress their purported success in proving material welfare and security to their citizens. 相似文献
103.
Sarah B. K. von Billerbeck Birte Julia Gippert 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(3):273-285
ABSTRACTThe study of legitimacy in situations of conflict and peacebuilding has increased in recent years. However, current work on the topic adopts many assumptions, definitions, and understandings from classical legitimacy theory, which centers on the relationship between the nation-state and its citizens. In this introduction, we provide a detailed critical overview of current theories of legitimacy and legitimation and demonstrate why they have only limited applicability in conflict and post-conflict contexts, focusing on the three main areas that the articles included in this special issue examine: audiences for legitimacy, sources of legitimacy, and legitimation. In particular, we show how conflict and post-conflict contexts are marked by the fragmentation and personalization of power; the proliferation and fragmentation of legitimacy audiences; and ambiguity surrounding legitimation strategies. 相似文献
104.
Diana Digol Noor Borbieva Michael Jabara Carley Ingmar Bredies Julia Kusznir Kirby Liu 《欧亚研究》2010,62(8):1403-1419
105.
106.
Paul Downes 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(2):271-317
This article seeks to highlight some potential indicators and benchmarks for the right to health under the International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, ratified by Estonia. These potential key indicators, as part of a human rights based
approach to health indicators being developed by the UN Special Rapporteur, are argued to be particularly important in the
context of the exceptionally high HIV rates among the Russian speaking population in Estonia. The historical emergence of
the HIV epidemic in Estonia is traced, comparing its development with the situations in Latvia and Lithuania. This article
describes the current extent of the HIV epidemic in Estonia which is the country with the highest reported number of HIV infections
per capita in Europe, a number impacting in an extremely disproportionate fashion on its Russian-speaking population, particularly
in North-Eastern Estonia. Understanding of the HIV epidemic in Estonia cannot exclude the social contextual factors of the
social marginalization of many among the Russian-speaking population, the ‹alien’ status of those without citizenship of Estonia
or any other State, and other failures of Estonian State policy with regard to intravenous drug use and HIV in the recent
past. HIV among the prison population is also examined as disproportionately impacting upon Russian-speaking prisoners. It
is argued that the language and logic of the Estonian State Integration Programme, as well as Estonia’s Second Report on the
implementation of the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (2004) which refer
to its Russian-speaking citizens as ‹non-Estonians’ is discrimination based on ethnic origin. In order to develop a system
of State accountability in relation to the right to health, candidate indicators and benchmarks are proposed as structural,
process and outcome indicators relevant to Estonia regarding the right to health and HIV, intravenous drug use, socio-economic
integration and its Russian-speaking population.
Dr. Paul Downes is Director of the Educational Disadvantage Centre, St. Patrick’s College, Drumcondra, Dublin, Ireland. 相似文献
107.
Julia Buxton 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(8):1371-1387
AbstractThe aims and outcomes of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela are fiercely contested. A sympathetic view sees the possibility of Left revolutionary transformation as destabilised by aggressive US and domestic opposition actions. Detractors trace an authoritarian path from President Hugo Chávez’s election in 1998 to an inevitable socialist implosion under his successor Nicolás Maduro two decades later. This article emphasises continuities between the Bolivarian Fifth Republic and the Fourth Republic that the Revolution displaced. These account for the limitations of the transformative process. Historical institutionalism explains the reproduction of rentier practices and centralised state management and political organisation, culminating in cascading crisis across regime types. 相似文献
108.
109.
Julia O’Connell Davidson 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):58-73
Contemporary liberal states are eager to combat ‘human trafficking’, which state actors describe as ‘the scourge of modern slavery’ and a violation of human rights. The same states are also depriving migrants of their freedom on an unprecedented scale through immigration detention, forcibly moving them across borders through deportation, and sustaining a flourishing industry in the prevention and control of human movement. This is not a paradox. The ambition to eradicate ‘slavery’, as much as the desire to severely restrict freedom of movement, reflects a concern to preserve and extend state powers, in particular its monopoly on violence and on the control of mobility. 相似文献
110.