全文获取类型
收费全文 | 355篇 |
免费 | 20篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 27篇 |
工人农民 | 50篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 27篇 |
法律 | 160篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 68篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 24篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 20篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 16篇 |
2013年 | 50篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 12篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有375条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
351.
Julia R. Correll Sarah Cusworth Walker Todd C. Edwards 《Journal of family violence》2017,32(2):243-255
Child-to-parent abuse (CPA) is an under-addressed form of family violence and relatively few resources are available for families experiencing CPA. The Step-Up program is a CPA-specific, family-level, group format intervention program in King County, Washington. Qualitative and long-term research on CPA intervention programs is lacking, and it is unknown how parents perceive the effects of participating in Step-Up after program completion. Fifteen parents who completed Step-Up with their adolescent child participated in individual semi-structured telephone or in-person interviews. Participants were asked about their perceptions of the effects of Step-Up participation, how they and their child have used skills taught in the program, and which program features were most and least effective. Participants expressed largely positive effects of participating in Step-Up, including decreased violent behavior by their adolescents and improved parent-child relationships. Recommendations for improving Step-Up included the inclusion of follow-up sessions to further reinforce behavior change and increased program accessibility. 相似文献
352.
353.
354.
“Intersectionality” as a concept is increasingly finding its way into development work. In order to develop an understanding of the concept, this article shows how intersectionality can be used as a conceptual framework to analyse identity-based development claims. The article builds on qualitative research with people living in the countryside in northwest Pakistan to develop an intersectional methodology to engage with development claims. It uses a three-step analytical model to identify subject positions from which different people negotiate “eligibility for development'' and ‘‘responsibility to develop”. The paper shows how frequently used categorisations such as gender and class should be complicated by development practitioners and worked with in a more nuanced way. 相似文献
355.
Julia Maria Schöneberg 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(3):604-620
This paper analyses the existing and perceived rules and restrictions of the global development dispositif working to maintain inequalities in the interactions of international NGOs (INGOs) and Haitian organisations. It does so by exploring constructions of partnership and their clashing realities. Development organisations and agencies have influenced the fabric of Haitian society and politics not only by their mere presence but also by the rules they impose. The paper identifies positions of power and decision making by drawing on Foucauldian tools of discourse analysis. The analysis is based on empirical fieldwork carried out in Haiti between 2012 and 2014. It identifies a narrative of trickle-down pressures that INGOs draw upon to position themselves as intermediaries in the larger development system. By questioning these narratives, the paper provides the starting point for the development of alternatives that would enable international NGOs to assume a role that supports rather than weakens. 相似文献
356.
This paper presents the highlights of Cuba's process of transition towards a market economy from the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989 to the enactment of new U.S. embargo-tightening measures in mid 1996. It analyzes the conditions that led to a market opening and the ends, the means and the actors of the ensuing process of economic reform. 相似文献
357.
358.
Julia Gerlach 《欧亚研究》2015,67(5):831-832
359.
Against the background of a substantial rise of the number of late-deciding voters at recent elections the paper simultaneously tests four complementary hypotheses on the background of contemporary electors' timing of decision making. The traditional floating voter hypothesis fares best in this analysis: lacking partisan predispositions and a general detachment from politics appear as the main reasons why people take longer to make up their minds. Indifference and attitudinal ambivalence as well as mixed party-political signals from voters' social networks also lead to electors postponing their voting decisions. The hypothesis that late deciding is a consequence of increased availability and attention to mediated political information is refuted. Several long-term trends are discussed as reasons for the increase of late deciding. 相似文献
360.
Julia Fleischer 《West European politics》2013,36(1):196-214
This article compares the institutionalisation of policy advice inside offices which service chief executives in the UK and Germany. It focuses on the institutionalisation of ‘policy units’ during the early 1970s and late 1990s which reveals different patterns. Whereas British policy units are allowed to interfere in any departmental business and address a variety of issues, German policy units are narrowed to provide administrative support and avoid partisan issues. Applying a new institutionalist perspective and the veto approach, this article argues that institutionalisation processes as strategic interactions of organisational actors are affected by institutional features at the macro-level of parliamentary systems. These features include principles of cabinet decision-making and the electoral system with its effects on parliament and cabinet composition which both set veto positions in the executive and legislative decision arena. Next to these institutional features, the empirical evidence shows how organisational legacies account for the influential role of British policy units as power resource for the PM and the nearly irrelevance of German policy units as power resource for the Chancellor. 相似文献