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71.
American Journal of Criminal Justice - While it is generally understood that people tend not to specialize in specific types of deviance, less is understood about offending specialization and...  相似文献   
72.
Thomas Fingar 《Orbis》2012,56(1):118-134
Elegant strategies can be constructed without reference to intelligence but persuading policymakers to implement them without knowing what intelligence might have to say about their likely efficacy and unintended consequences would be exceedingly difficult. Intelligence-derived information and insights should not dictate the goals of grand strategy, but they should inform decisions about what to do, how to do it, and what to look for in order to assess how well or badly the strategy is working.  相似文献   
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Transition teams are often used to help Prime Ministers and Premiers move into their new roles. At the municipal level, the use of transition teams is relatively new. As such, we know little about what these groups do in comparison to federal and provincial transition teams. In this article, we examine mayoral transition teams and find that the increased use of these groups is a reflection of the enhanced organizational complexity of Canadian local government. Additionally, local conditions and candidate experience often dictate the shape and function of transition teams. Overall, we argue that more resources should be devoted to the municipal transition process.  相似文献   
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This paper analyses the RCMP's “Mr. Big” undercover investigation technique, which involves the use of undercover officers posing as high‐ranking members of a criminal organization. These officers befriend a target (the suspect) and promise the suspect that their leader (Mr. Big) can help the target in several ways; in exchange, the officers demand that the suspect truthfully reveal past criminal activity to establish credibility and protect the organization against surprises. There appears to be little interest on the part of state actors, other than the courts, in reducing police independence and providing more accountability and oversight for Mr. Big and other undercover operations. Yet, as parts of Canada's criminal justice system, such operations deserve scrutiny because of their cost and potential for wrongful convictions. This article calls for oversight of the police by several actors, including legislators providing guidelines for police investigations, closer judicial scrutiny and executive oversight of police operations, and improved police training.  相似文献   
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There has been growing international consensus on issues related to child labour – evident in various declarations, platforms, conventions, programmes of action etc. Child labour is the economic exploitation of children, or performance of any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development. Poverty is the principal cause of child labour. Mostly the children work to support their families and also for their own survival. Paradoxically, however, child labour further aggravates the poverty syndrome as it usually deprives the children of education and opportunity to acquire skills for developing earning potentials. Other causes of child labour include family indebtedness, the lack or poor quality of schooling or non‐formal education, breakdown of extended family, uneducated parents, local cultural setting, and consumerism. It goes beyond economic exploitation or hazardous employment to include forced labour, trafficking, sexual exploitation and the use of children for the production and trafficking of illegal drugs. This article will ponder the socio‐legal situation of child labour and the large number of legislative enactments regarding labour in India, as well as their realities on the ground.  相似文献   
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Whistleblower research is understandably focused around the protagonists of the practice. We still know surprisingly little about how whistleblowing is perceived in the wider population. Drawing on a representative survey of Danish employees (N = 1,709), this paper analyses how whistleblower public support is distributed along variables such as political preference, political interest and job type, and tests whether it is conditional on whistleblower motivation and type of wrongdoing. The paper finds that public support is strong but also ambivalent. It shows that support is evenly distributed along party preference. It also demonstrates that support is not uniform but conditional on the characteristics of the whistleblower situation. These insights are important for both social and political reasons in the present situation where whistleblowing seems to be on the rise. From a policy perspective, it offers policymakers an important evidence‐based navigation tool in devising whistleblower legislation.  相似文献   
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