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61.
Jessica J. Eckstein 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(1):21-30
Victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) often are blamed for remaining in abusive relationships. As a result, victims may
communicate messages rationalizing why they stay. Systematic, comparative examinations of these messages directed toward self and others by males versus females
have not been conducted. This study addresses a gap in the literature by exploring victims’ communication regarding staying.
Self-reports of 345 heterosexual IPV victims (N = 239 women, 106 men) demonstrated that more justifications were communicated internally to self than externally to others.
Men and women differed significantly in only three of 14 messages, with men choosing more stereotypically masculine reasons
for staying. Findings are discussed in terms of applications to victims and their stay-leave decision-making in IPV relationships. 相似文献
62.
Katharina Bluhm 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2006,16(2):173-188
Scholars and unionists often claim an “excessive” flexibility and unilateral manager power in the labor relations system of Central Eastern Europe, while others observe “insufficient” flexibility and etatism. Beyond mere political reasoning the article provides an explanation for these contradicting diagnoses by reconstructing the varying influence of three conflicting concepts within the institutionalization process: economic liberalism, etatism and the continental European idea of social partnership. Focusing on Poland and the Czech Republic, it is argued that the varying influence of the three concepts contributed to permissive labor relations that clearly differ from Anglo-Saxon voluntarism: The labor relations are not permissive by formal standards but by deviation. During the 1990s the weakness of actors in regulating interaction and establishing powerful sanctions created a dilemma for liberalization. On the one side strong formal regulation by the state provided little incentives for employers to bargain. On the other side, a further withdrawal of the state from regulation did only ease unilateral decision-making of management as collective bargaining is weak. The impacts of harmonization with the EU regulatory regime are ambiguous. While establishing new minimum standards and regulations in new areas it also provided an opportunity structure for actors to push for the dissolution of the liberalization dilemma without compensating employees with more bargaining strength. 相似文献
63.
Katharina Popp 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2007,20(1):2-8
Mit der Verabschiedung des Energieausweis-Vorlage-Gesetzes (EAVG) ist im Schatten der Wohnrechtsnovelle 2006 noch ein weiteres
den wohnrechtlichen Bereich betreffendes Gesetzesprojekt am Ende der 22. Legislaturperiode zum Abschluss gebracht worden.
Der folgende Beitrag soll einen ersten überblick über die Regelungsinhalte dieses neuen Bundesgesetzes geben. 相似文献
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Martin Dolezal Laurenz Ennser‐Jedenastik Wolfgang C. Müller Anna Katharina Winkler 《European Journal of Political Research》2014,53(1):57-76
Saliency theory is among the most influential accounts of party competition, not least in providing the theoretical framework for the Comparative Manifesto Project – one of the most widely used data collections in comparative politics. Despite its prominence, not all empirical implications of the saliency theory of party competition have yet been systematically tested. This article addresses five predictions of saliency theory, the central claim of which is that parties compete by selective issue emphasis rather than by direct confrontation. Since a fair test of the theory's assumptions needs to rely on data that measures party issue saliency and party positions independently, this article draws on new manifesto data from the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES). Analysing all manifestos issued for the 2002, 2006 and 2008 general elections, it shows that saliency theory correctly identifies some features of party competition. For instance, parties disproportionally emphasise issues they ‘own’. Yet, the core assumption of saliency theory that parties compete via selective issue emphasis rather than direct confrontation over the same issues fails to materialise in the majority of cases. 相似文献
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Policy diffusion is a common phenomenon in federal states: indeed, one of the normative justifications of decentralized policy making is that it permits the development and spread of best practices. Following Berry and Berry (1990), event‐history analysis has been the method of choice for the quantitative investigation of policy diffusion, but Volden (2006) has recently introduced a dyadic variant of this method in which units of analysis are not states but, instead, pairs of states. This article discusses the dyadic approach with a particular focus on the diffusion of policies in Switzerland. The goal is not to introduce a new method, but rather to provide a practical overview for researchers interested in using it. The article shows how the method has migrated from the international relations literature to the policy‐diffusion literature, describes the typical structure of a dyadic dataset in a diffusion context, and discusses several modeling issues. The usefulness of the dyadic approach is illustrated empirically with the example of health‐insurance subsidy policies in Swiss cantons. 相似文献
69.
The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), established by the Kyoto protocol, can generate substantial rents for project participants via the sale of Certified Emission Reductions. For this reason, supposedly technical decisions about the approval of CDM methodologies and about the registration of projects may be driven by benefits to specific countries or interest groups. Our econometric analysis of data for about 250 methodologies and about 1000 projects discussed by the CDM Executive Board (EB) so far, suggests that indeed, along with formal quality criteria, political-economic variables determine the final EB decision. 相似文献
70.
Katharina Holzinger 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(3):539-576
This contribution presents the German state of the art of economic approaches to politics. First, the basic model, the research areas, and the analytical tools used by these approaches are briefly introduced. Second, for each sub-field of political science, the German contribution is presented in relation to the international state of the art. While German scholars hesitated to engage in public choice and positive political theory in the beginning, we nowadays find many contributions from this perspective in the fields of electoral studies, the European Union, and veto player analysis. 相似文献