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461.
The authors report on a 21-year old female who died suddenly during a techno-festival. The autopsy findings and the results of chemical-toxicological analyses were not able to clear up the cause of death. Pathophysiological and toxicological considerations demonstrate that only a combination of facts are sufficient to explain the sudden death of this young woman. 相似文献
462.
A young woman was found unconscious in her flat strangulated with a children's scarf and was at first thought to be dead. The victim survived but is disabled for life. Neither bloodstaines nor sperm were found at the scene. Swebs of fleece were prepared from two fingers of a one-way glove which were found at the scene and from each end of the scarf in order to find some epithelial cells from the criminal. DNA was extracted and amplified by the polymerase-chain-reaction (PCR). The DNA-profile of the victim as well as that of the suspected apart living husband were found in these mixed stains. The suspect was severely incriminated by these findings and other evidence. Consequently the court convicted him to eleven years of inprisonment because of attempted manslaughter. 相似文献
463.
We compared the MTP immunoassay with EMIT for the screening of drugs of abuse (opiates, cannabinoids, cocaine metabolites and amphetamines) in whole blood samples. These blood samples were obtained from the German police, when driving under the influence of drugs of abuse was suspected. For screening with the MTP immunoassay 25 microliters of serum or blood (without any pretreatment) was pipetted into the wells of the microtiter plates and the procedure was followed as described. Prior to screening with a Cobas Mira and EMIT reagents, the samples were treated with acetone to precipitate serum proteins. The cutoff for all drugs of abuse was set at 10 ng per ml of serum or blood. In most cases there was a good agreement between the negative and positive results of the two screening assays. The agreement between the two assays in the detection of opiates and cocaine was 91% and 93%, respectively, and for cannabinoids and amphetamines approximately 80%. The MTP immunoassay was more sensitive than EMIT for the detection of cannabinoids--but at the same time the MTP immunoassay was less specific. Both screening assays have a sensitivity of 100% for the detection of opiates and cocaine, but the specificity of the EMIT--also for opiates--was substantially lower. The MTP immunoassay has in respect to amphetamines a very high sensitivity, whereas the sensitivity of EMIT for amphetamines is inacceptable due to losses during sample preparation. The specificity of MTP immunoassay for amphetamines is not optimal, because a relatively large amount of samples tested false-positive for amphetamines at the cutoff of 10 ng/ml. In summary the MTP immunoassay, although not automated, performs well in comparison with EMIT, especially if the sample preparation for EMIT testing ist considered. 相似文献
464.
465.
Pami Aalto Aileen A. Espíritu Sarah Kilpeläinen Dmitry A. Lanko 《Journal of Baltic studies》2017,48(2):135-160
We examine the coordination of policy priorities among the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, the Council of Baltic Sea States, and the Nordic Council of Ministers. The member states of these groups established these institutions to coordinate their regional cooperation. However, the member states ended up having to coordinate the parallel work of these institutions. This coordination effort influenced their cooperation, creating an institutional coordination dilemma. We analyze how interests, leadership, and identity politics influence this dilemma and how negative, problem-solving, and positive forms of coordination can amend its effects regarding the temporal consistency of policy priorities and their sectoral overlap. 相似文献
466.
467.
Thomas Bräuninger 《Public Choice》2005,125(3-4):409-429
Partisan models of budget politics largely concentrate on the size of government, budget deficits and debt, but most theories have little to say as to what the effect of party politics on both the size and the composition of budgets is. This paper seeks to extend previous literature in two directions. First, a model of spending preferences is developed that relates actors' preferred level and allocation of expenditure to electoral gains from fiscal policies. Second, changes in both total expenditure and the expenditure mix of two budget categories are analyzed for the effect of parties' spending preferences as stated in their election manifestos. Using data on 19 OECD countries from 1971 to 1999, the paper finds support for general partisan hypothesis. The results suggest that the actual spending preferences of parties matter whereas they do not indicate that parties of the left consistently differ from parties of the right in their spending behavior. 相似文献
468.
Double suicide and homicide-suicide are infrequent and are different in psychopathology from that of a single suicide. However, precipitating factors for double suicide and homicide-suicide are similar to these found in single suicide. Depression, borderline disturbances, and narcissistic neuroses in combination with stressors such as physical illness, isolation, and social losses can lead to homicide-suicide. Epidemiological studies indicate that double suicide and homicide-suicide are influenced by ethnicity and cultural and social background. This study explores the situation in Switzerland between 1928-48 and 1971-1990. 相似文献
469.
A fatal intoxication of a 22-year-old woman after intake of the phenothiazine perazine is described. In all of investigated organs e.g. in liver, lungs and kidneys high concentrations of the active agent could be found. The analytical results lead to the assumption that at least 14, most likely 30 tablets of Taxilan 100 have been taken. An unintended overdosage seems to be excluded just as an administration by another person. 相似文献
470.
Does representatives' legislative activity have any effect on their electoral performance? A broad theoretical literature suggests so, but real‐world evidence is scarce as empirically, personal and party votes are hard to separate. In this article, we examine whether bill initiation actually helps MPs to attract preference votes under flexible list electoral systems. In these systems, voters can accept the party‐provided rank order or vote for specific candidates, which allows a clear distinction between personal and party votes. The empirical analysis uses data on bill initiation by Belgian MPs in the period 2003–2007 to explain their personal vote in the 2007 elections. We find that particularly single‐authored proposals initiated shortly before the upcoming elections are associated with a larger personal vote. 相似文献