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881.
Abstract Local government is subject to extensive lobbying, which is reasonable given the greater importance of the local public sector in large welfare states. Most of the scholarly attention has been focused on lobbying at the national level, often addressing the impact of interest groups on public policies. This article discusses a decision–making model where interest groups optimize their lobbying efforts given the way that different local governments and individual politicians respond to these activities. A number of propositions are tested on the basis of data from Norwegian local government. Contrary to prior theorizing, we do not find that representatives seeking re–election are contacted more frequently by interest groups. Interest groups target their lobbying activities toward politicians who are members of the relevant council committees, and they exert stronger pressure on members of the executive board and active representatives who perceive themselves as influential. Inter–municipal differences are also of importance: The lobbying activities are more intensive where electoral participation is low and in the larger urban municipalities, while the size of legislatures and the strength of the local political leadership affect lobbying efforts negatively. Interest groups tend to be more active in the richer local governments. The demands of the residential population impact weakly on lobbying efforts.  相似文献   
882.
Hansen  Niles 《Publius》1984,14(4):137-152
France and Mexico have long traditions of highly centralizedgovernment. Nevertheless,in each case, populations in borderregions, which are distant from the national capital, have closeinformal cultural and economic ties with neighboring populationsin adjacent nations. In France, tensions between central authoritiesand local and regional authorities over greater internationalcooperation at the local and regional levels have been especiallyevident in Alsace, France's "window" on Europe's economic heartland.Administrative decentralization measures now being implementedin France will probably enhance transborder cooperation, thoughFrance still has not formally endorsed the European OutlineConvention on Transfrontier Cooperation. The Mexican governmentmaintains its historic resistance to dependency on the UnitedStates, and emphasizes policies to integrate its border citiesmore closely with the rest of Mexico. However, Mexico, likeFrance, could give greater attention to the development of internationalagreements that respect national sovereignty as well as thewishes of border peoples for closer transborder cooperation.  相似文献   
883.
Reviews     
László Csaba, ed., Systemic Change and Stabilization in Eastern Europe. Aldershot, and Brookfield, NY: Dartmouth Publishing Co., 1991, x + 141 pp. £30.00.

Christopher T. Saunders, ed., Economics and Politics of Transition. New York: Macmillan Press, 1992, x + 419 pp., £50.00.

David Lane, Soviet Society under Perestroika, Completely revised edition. London and New York: Routledge, 1992, xvi + 441 pp., £15.99.

Judith B. Sedaitis & Jim Butterfield, eds, Perestroika from Below: Social Movements in The Soviet Union. Boulder, CO, San Francisco, CA, and Oxford: 1991, xii + 220 pp., $23.00 h/b.

Michael J. Sodaro, Moscow, Germany, and the West from Khrushchev to Gorbachev. London: I. B. Tauris, 1991, xiv + 423 pp., £29.95.

Örjan Sjöberg, Rural Change and Development in Albania. Boulder, CO, San Francisco, CA, and Oxford: Westview Press, 1991, xi + 199 pp., £21.95 p/b.

Anthony Kemp‐Welch, ed., The Ideas of Nikolai Bukharin. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992, 209 pp., £27.50.  相似文献   

884.
ABSTRACT

Tackling redistributive expansion in developing countries, this paper explores broader political consequences of social assistance programmes. Drawing from the Turkish case, where social welfare expanded since the 2000s, it examines attitudes of social assistance beneficiaries towards transition to presidentialism, which was approved in a referendum in 2017, and took effect in 2018. Using the results of an original survey, it indicates that social assistance benefits played a significant role in increasing support for presidentialism, by garnering votes from opposition voters, especially those with high-risk perceptions, in return for benefits. Given the character of Turkish presidentialism, devoid of vital checks and balances, the findings reveal that incumbents can mobilise support by using redistributive instruments in the context of democratic backsliding.  相似文献   
885.
Vacuolization of the renal tubular epithelial cells (the Armanni-Ebstein lesion) associated with diabetic hyperglycemia is usually regarded as an accumulation of glycogen. In a case of death of diabetic coma, the vacuoles were stained strongly for lipids. This observation may have both clinical and therapeutic consequences, and may increase our knowledge of the metabolism in diabetes.  相似文献   
886.
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888.
Local government extractive capacity, as measured by the amount of graduated personal tax (GPT) collected relative to district wealth and population and, more qualitatively, as reflected in the nature of enforcement, varies considerably in Uganda. This article explores the reasons for this variation, first by investigating aggregate data at the cross‐district level, using data on taxation as well as survey data from the Afrobarometer, second, by a focussed comparison of two districts, one with high‐ and one with low‐extractive capacity. I find that generalised trust can explains some of the variation in extractive capacity across districts. The case studies trace the differences in trust and extractive capacity back to pre‐colonial rule; the better performing district having had centralised rule, a tradition of tax‐payment and a higher degree of social cohesion, while the poorer performing district had a more fragmented and less cohesive history of governance. The article thus points to the importance of understanding institutional path dependencies when assessing the feasibility of reform. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
889.
890.
This paper examines the application of the Local Capacities for Peace framework in field operations in Sudan, and identifies lessons learned about planning and implementation in the World Vision programme over a 20-month period.  相似文献   
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