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61.
A 22-year-old white male was found dead at his working place in a car lacquering company. He had removed lacquer residues by using a solvent containing dicloromethane (DCM) without using a gas mask. Pathology revealed signs of asphyxiation with obvious petechial bleedings and expressed microthrombosis of the pulmonary arteries. Toxicological analysis showed excessive concentrations of DCM which are inhaled due to exposure of extreme air concentrations. 相似文献
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Commentary on: Intarapanich NP,McCobb EC,Reisman RW,Rozanski EA,Intarapanich PP. Characterization and comparison of injuries caused by accidental and non‐accidental blunt force trauma in dogs and cats. J Forensic Sci 2016 Jul;61(4):993–9. 下载免费PDF全文
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Tiina Tuominen Tapio Korhonen Heikki Hämäläinen Jouko Katajisto Heikki Vartiainen Matti Joukamaa 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2017,18(1):52-67
Neurocognitive deficits and psychiatric disorders are often brought up as risk factors of recidivism. In this study, we investigated how neurocognitive and academic deficits and psychiatric disorders (including substance dependence) are associated with criminal recidivism and prison career among male offenders. In a health survey of Finnish prisoners, 72 sentenced male prisoners were examined in Turku prison using a neurocognitive test battery and psychiatric assessment including a standardized psychiatric interview (SCID-I, II). The neurocognitive and academic tests were chosen to assess domains of cognitive functioning and reading, spelling and mathematical skills. Our results showed that the combination of neurocognitive deficits and substance dependence was connected to recidivism. Axis I diagnosis (major mental disorders) and substance dependence were connected with neurocognitive and academic deficits. Moreover, first-time offenders had fewer neurocognitive deficits and Axis I disorders, less substance dependence and fewer personality disorders than those with several convictions. Rehabilitation of cognitive functions and academic skills, along with intervention for mental health problems and substance dependence could help to prevent the unfavourable circle of criminal career. 相似文献
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Martin Schröder 《Social Justice Research》2017,30(1):23-47
Data from the International Social Survey Programme that includes individual respondents from 34 countries surveyed at four different times show that populations of countries with more actual income inequality also tolerate more income inequality, even after controlling for numerous individual- and country-level variables. Comparisons over time show that actual income inequality predicts later tolerance for income inequality, within 3–4 years, but earlier tolerance for income inequality does not predict later actual income inequality. These analyses therefore indicate that people adapt how much income inequality they tolerate to actual inequality. They contribute to a long-standing theoretical and empirical discussion about whether material structures influence or result from social norms. 相似文献
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Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy. 相似文献
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Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time
Ceren Ark-Yıldırım 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):473-490
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. 相似文献
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The Journal of Technology Transfer - One aspect of Science Parks development that has come into focus is the attraction of talent, which could include attracting specific expertise, making it... 相似文献