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This study was divided into two parts. The first part consisted of an investigation of the frequency of television viewing among a sample of 2302 15-year-olds in 12 comprehensive schools. Subjects were divided into two groups, high and low frequency viewers, according to their own estimate of viewing time. The general picture which emerged (with some overlap of scores) was that high frequency viewers tended to be more neurotic and introverted; less intelligent; had less favorable attitudes to school; were less likely to think sport was important; were more likely to be bored in their leisure time; and possessed different social attitudes than low frequency viewers. The second part of the study investigated the program preferences of a subsample of over 900 subjects drawn from the main study. Little difference was found in the program preferences of high and low frequency viewers, but clear differences of preference were found between the sexes.Received his Ph.D. from the University of Aberdeen. Main research interests include social factors influencing education, adolescence, sports psychology, community education, and social psychology.Received her M.Ed. from the University of Aberdeen. Main research interests include community education and television. 相似文献
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Leo P. Ribuffo 《政策研究评论》2006,23(2):311-338
The White House Conference on Families both exemplified the contested nature of “family policy” since the late nineteenth century and inaugurated the latest phase in the venerable invocation of “family values” as a tactic for political mobilization. In 1976 presidential candidate Jimmy Carter proposed a White House Conference on the American Family in order to shore up support among cultural conservatives, especially Roman Catholics. Four years later, after much debate within the Carter administration as well as in the country at large about what constituted a legitimate family, three sessions of a White House Conference on Families were held. Cultural moderates, feminists, gays rights activists, devout Catholics, and evangelical Protestants disagreed vehemently about policies ranging from legalized abortion to family leave. Following a long though little known tradition, women were especially active among grassroots conservatives. Ultimately conservatives mobilized much more effectively than their liberal and moderate opponents, and they quickly made restoration of family values an effective wedge issue for the new Christian right and the Republican party. In many ways, the debate over family policy in the early 21st century still echoes that of the 1970s—or the 1930s or the 1910s. 相似文献
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