首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   376篇
  免费   18篇
各国政治   14篇
工人农民   27篇
世界政治   19篇
外交国际关系   29篇
法律   181篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   119篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   2篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   16篇
  2017年   18篇
  2016年   11篇
  2015年   11篇
  2014年   16篇
  2013年   47篇
  2012年   7篇
  2011年   8篇
  2010年   7篇
  2009年   7篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   15篇
  2006年   17篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   9篇
  2003年   8篇
  2002年   13篇
  2001年   11篇
  2000年   12篇
  1999年   12篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   8篇
  1993年   9篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   8篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   1篇
  1988年   6篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   6篇
  1984年   7篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   4篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1976年   5篇
  1975年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1971年   3篇
  1970年   1篇
  1966年   3篇
排序方式: 共有394条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
201.
202.
This article describes the nature, origins and consequences of the epistemological crisis at the heart of contemporary counterterrorism. The epistemological crisis of counterterrorism is an identifiable epistemic posture towards knowledge about, as well as a way of acting towards, the terrorist threat. It manifests itself discursively in the manner in which officials, scholars, pundits and others speak about the threat of terrorism, and the way counterterrorism and security practitioners then act in pursuit of security against that threat. The article argues that many of the bizarre counterterrorist practices regularly observed in many Western countries, as well as costly and counterproductive counterterrorist practices such as preemptive war, targeted killings, mass surveillance, torture, control orders and de-radicalisation programmes, among others, are neither anomalous nor irrational in the context of the new paradigm. Rather, they flow logically and directly from the particular paranoid logic, which is constitutive of the epistemological crisis. The article concludes with a discussion about how and why critical scholars can and should attempt to resist and deconstruct it.  相似文献   
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
In considering Van Schooten’s study of the Eric O. case (s.1), I ask whether the different approaches taken by the two different “legal institutions”—the prosecuting authorities on the one hand, the courts on the other—are reflective of different images of warfare (a semantic difference) or of the different images each group holds of its own role (a pragmatic difference). If we consider these two “legal institutions” as distinct semiotic groups (s.2), is there an inevitable “communication deficit” (Van Schooten) between them (and the public) and how does this relate to the Hartian account of such a “crisis in communication” (s.3)? I agree with Van Schooten about the role of underlying images in the construction of legal sense, and relate this to the issue of intuitional judgment, both in and outside the law (s.4). I then turn to comparable issues which arise in my other research area, Jewish law, which reflects quite different ideological premises (s.5), reviewing the original (biblical) conception of the (intuitive) role and functions of judges (s.5A), decision-making, justification and consequentialist ethics in postbiblical Jewish law (s.5B), and the conclusions drawn, not least for the pragmatics of communication, in a recent research study on the wife’s rights in divorce. Paradoxically, I argue (s.5C), that the system rests at base on trust rather than objective truth. But trust, too, is a form of meaning, and susceptible to semiotic analysis. I suggest, in conclusion (s.6), that this is an issue which should be treated more seriously in the theory of secular law and legal communication.  相似文献   
209.
210.
This article examines the conflict between the American Congress and Presidency in US trade embargo policy during the Truman and Reagan years. After reviewing two cases of legislative‐executive confrontation over trade embargoes against the Soviet Union in the late‐1940s and early‐1950s and South Africa in the 1980s, it concludes that Congress has been successful in modifying presidential policy‐making that it believes does not serve the national interest. This is due to its powerful position in the American political process as the initiator of legislation. Its law making powers have allowed it to review executive foreign policy decisions forcing the Presidency to change its approach to particular policy concerns.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号