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181.
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Loch K. Johnson 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):198-225
Since 1975, lawmakers have displayed four responses to the call for greater intelligence accountability on Capitol Hill. Some have taken the approach of ‘ostriches’, content to bury their heads in the sand and continue the earlier era of trust when members of Congress deferred to the decisions of the executive branch within the domains of intelligence. Others – indeed, a majority – have chosen to become unalloyed boosters for intelligence –‘ cheerleaders’ who view their job primarily as one of explaining the value of intelligence to the American people and supporting intelligence missions with robust funding and encouragement. Taking the opposite approach, another set of lawmakers – the ‘lemon-suckers’ – have consistently found fault with America's attempts to spy on adversaries or overthrow regimes that fail to accommodate US interests. Finally, some lawmakers have been ‘guardians’, striking a balance between serving as partners of the intelligence agencies on Capitol Hill and, through a persistent examination of budgets and operations, demanding competence and law-abiding behavior from these agencies. The guardian model fits best into the framework of democratic theory. 相似文献
183.
Loch Johnson 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(3):24-44
In this previously unpublished interview with Richard Helms in 1990, the former US Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) offered his views on a wide range of intelligence issues. Contrary to conventional wisdom, he argued that members of Congress had maintained rigorous accountability over the secret agencies in the years before the major spy scandal of 1975, when the Central Intelligence Agency was found to have spied on American citizens. He emphasized, too, the vital importance of human (as opposed to technical) intelligence, and expressed cynicism about the effectiveness of large-scale covert actions. For Helms, the DCI's most important job was to bring the facts to the table at high policy meetings. 相似文献
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Todd M. Johnson 《Society》2009,46(6):479-483
The demographics of the Renewal are best understood by its constituent parts, namely, the three waves: Pentecostals, Charismatics,
and neocharismatics. Each of these waves has different strengths in various countries around the world. Thus one finds that
while Renewalists are numerous in China, Brazil and the USA, there are relatively few Pentecostals in China; Charismatics
dominate in Brazil; and Independent Charismatics (neocharismatics) are most numerous in China and the USA. 相似文献
188.
Previous research has shown that many forms of strain are positively related to delinquency. Evidence also suggests that religiosity buffers the effects of strain on offending, but this issue requires further research. Using data from a national sample of adolescents, this study examined whether or not religiosity conditioned the relationship between strain and delinquency. This study also looked at the ability of social support, self-esteem, and depression to moderate the influence of strain on delinquent behavior. The findings here lend support to general strain theory in that strain had a direct positive effect on delinquency, yet there was little evidence that the relationship was moderated by religiosity or other conditioning variables. The roles of moderating variables on strain across genders were also considered. 相似文献
189.
A company can use its own name for purposes other than indicatingthe origin of goods or services without infringing any thirdparty trade mark rights. But even where a company uses its nameto indicate the origin of goods or services, it can do so providedits use is in accordance with honest practices in industrialor commercial matters. 相似文献
190.
Laura Story Johnson 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2012,25(2):211-224
The dialogic relationship between individuals and the cultural space of Europe embodies cultural definitions, political definitions and individual definitions. As individuals draw from Europe as a cultural space and strive to identify and define themselves, definitions are created against an ??other,?? leading to Europe being defined against the ??other.?? Identity is established through difference, and in this, the relationship between the EU??a force of integration??and Europe as a cultural space is strained. As boundaries change through the European Union, transforming the cultural space of Europe, the ??other?? against whom individuals have traditionally defined themselves is also transforming. This article asks if the integration of Europe through the European Union is resulting in the political mobilization of xenophobia and thereby transforming the cultural space of Europe into a xenophobic space. As many academics and professionals have argued that xenophobia in Europe has been on the rise since the 1990s, this paper will question how the relationship between the European Union??as a force of European integration??and Europe??as a cultural space??is contributing to the construction of xenophobia. 相似文献