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281.
Roseanna Michelle Heath Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson 《American journal of political science》2005,49(2):420-436
This article explores how new groups can be marginalized after they gain representation in the legislature. We use data from six Latin American legislatures to examine the effect of institutional and political factors on how traditionally dominant male political leaders distribute scarce political resources—committee assignments—to female newcomers. In general, we find that women tend to be isolated on women's issues and social issues committees and kept off of power and economics/foreign affairs committees as the percentage of legislators who are women increases, when party leaders or chamber presidents control committee assignments, and when the structure of the committee system provides a specific committee to deal with women's issues. Thus, to achieve full incorporation into the legislative arena, newcomers must do more than just win seats. They must change the institutions that allow the traditionally dominant group to hoard scarce political resources . 相似文献
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283.
Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process. 相似文献
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285.
Various scholars have noted the priority given to law in the politics of hate violence; violence is the problem and law, more
specifically the criminal law, the solution at the ‘heart’ of society. This article seeks to explore some of the gaps and
silences in the existing literature and politics that mobilize these ideas and associations. It is the gap sand silences associated
with demands for and expectations of criminal justice that will be the particular concern of this article. The demand for
law is examined by way of David Garland's recent work on the culture of crime control. His work offers an analysis of the
contemporary place of crime control in Anglo-American liberal democracies. A distinctive feature of his analysis is to be
found in the way it maps an important paradox of contemporary crime control; its political centrality and an increasing recognition
of its limitations. Garland's ‘criminology of the self’ and the ‘criminology of the other’ raise some important challenges
for those who advocate resort to crime control. My particular concern is to consider the significance of Garland's work for
a contemporary sexual politics that puts violence and criminal justice at the heart of that politics. Feminist, gay and lesbian
scholarship first on criminal justice and second, on violence and law will be used to develop a critical dialogue with Garland's
analysis and to reflect upon the challenges raised by his insights into contemporary crime control.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
286.
Both substance use and obesity are prevalent among youth. As youth age, substance use rates increase and over the past three
decades, obesity rates among youth have tripled. While these two factors have both short- and long-term health impacts, little
research has explored how substance use and obesity among youth may be related. This study explores the bi-directional longitudinal
relationships between substance use and body composition. Participants (N = 704; 50.7% female) were mostly white (86.4%) with
a baseline mean age of 14.7 years. Objectively measured body composition was used to calculate body mass index z-scores (BMI
z-score) and percent body fat. Cross-lagged structural equation models, accounting for clustering at the school level, were
run to determine the longitudinal association between body composition and self-reported substance use (alcohol, cigarette,
and marijuana), adjusting for socio-demographic characteristics, pubertal status, and weight satisfaction. Baseline alcohol
use predicted decreased BMI z-score at follow-up and a similar association with percent body fat approached significance.
Baseline cigarette use predicted increased percent body fat. No longitudinal associations were seen between baseline body
composition and future substance use. Our results suggest that substance use contributes to subsequent body composition; however,
body composition does not contribute to subsequent substance use. Continued research that explores these relationships longitudinally
is greatly needed. 相似文献
287.
Leslie Holmes 《Communist and Post》2009,42(2):265-287
This article examines the incomplete and sometimes contradictory evidence on the crime, organised crime and corruption situations in post-communist states, and then seeks to explain the apparent increase in all three in early post-communism. Among the factors considered are the impact of weak states and economies, neo-liberalism, globalisation, Schengen and Fortress Europe, the Communist legacy (the ‘ghost from the past’), and collusion. The article then examines the dynamics of criminality and malfeasance in the region, and provides evidence to suggest that the crime and corruption situation has stabilised or even improved in most post-communist countries in recent times. The factors considered for explaining this apparent improvement are the role of external agents (notably the EU), the move from transition to consolidation, and the role of political will. 相似文献
288.
The development of sex offender residence restriction legislation was predicated on the assumption that sex offenders pose an increased risk to the public. The goal of such legislation was to create “sex-offender-free” zones in an effort to decrease sex offenders’ access to potential victims. Such legislation prohibits registered sex offenders from residing near landmarks where children are known to congregate. Empirical evidence thus far has failed to demonstrate that residing near these landmarks contributes to sex offenders’ ability to access victims, and may actually be doing more harm than good. The current study questions the rationale behind the implementation of residence restrictions and if this rationale is consistent with the realities of victim selection and sexual offending among incarcerated sex offenders. The sample consisted of 270 males incarcerated in a New Jersey correctional facility. The results demonstrate that most sex offenders resided within a 2,500-foot restricted landmark zone. However, after examining the methods sex offenders used and examining how far they traveled to meet or establish contact with their victims, residing near restricted landmarks did not contribute to victim selection. Of the 270 sex offenders, the offense patterns consistent with many residence restrictions were applicable to less than 1%. 相似文献
289.
290.
Constance A. Flanagan Amy K. Syvertsen Sukhdeep Gill Leslie S. Gallay Patricio Cumsille 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(4):500-518
The role of prejudice and ethnic awareness in the civic commitments and beliefs about the American social contract of 1,096
(53% female) adolescents (11–18 year olds, Mean = 15) from African-, Arab-, Latino-, and European-American backgrounds were
compared. Ethnic awareness was higher among minority youth and discrimination more often reported by African- and Arab-Americans.
Parental admonitions against discrimination were heard by all but African Americans, Latinos and those who reported prejudice
heard that it could pose a barrier. Adolescents’ beliefs that America is an equal opportunity society were negatively associated
with experiences of discrimination and African-Americans were least likely to believe that the government was responsive to
the average person. With respect to civic goals, all youth endorsed patriotism but ethnic minorities and ethnically aware
youth were more committed to advocating for their ethnic group and European-Americans were less committed than were African
Americans to improving race relations.
相似文献
Patricio CumsilleEmail: |