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491.
Linda Low 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):49-63
The success of Singapore's government‐led and managed economy has allowed it to box above its weight in the international trade and financial arena for decades. However, globalisation and technology are forcing a policy shift. 相似文献
492.
Linda Weiss 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(4):589-616
Analyses of East Asia's high‐performance economies have highlighted the advantages of a coordinated approach to market failures. With states dominating the process, both public and private agencies are increasingly involved. The recent literature sees public‐private cooperation as a limit to state capacity and thus a challenge to statism. Within an institutionalist framework, this paper proposes a fresh view of the government‐business relationship which avoids the statist premise of domination, but without relying on ‘weak state’ arguments. Through an examination of key organizational features of state and industry in Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, the paper proposes a theory of ‘governed interdependence’ in which both state and capital are taken seriously; where both strong state and strong industry go hand‐in‐hand; and where the capacities of both are mutually enhanced. The article identifies four principal types of government‐industry cooperation in the East Asian experience — some apparently ‘state‐led’, others apparently ‘business‐led’ — all of which can be accommodated by the theory. 相似文献
493.
Linda Weiss 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):21-55
Abstract In recent years, there has been an increasingly vigorous debate by a wide range of participants over the past, present and future of Japanese security and the national defence policy. Ever since the end of the Cold War, international relations theorists have cast their gaze to Japan, and have been given to re-examining ‘comprehensive security’ with a particular eye for the meaning of ‘security’. The 1990s were a particularly interesting time for this scholarly revisionism, while events of September 2001 have cast an entirely different spectre on the nature and expectations of Japanese security, both domestically and internationally. This article is particularly concerned with the developments in the 1990s as scholars sought to reassert the ‘defence’ component of the comprehensive security policy hitherto pursued by Japan. This re-examination has elevated former Japanese Defence Agency (JDA) bureaucrat Kubo Takuya as the key architect in crafting Japan's security policy. Tsuyoshi Kawasaki's contributions to the debate are especially interesting on this point. He rightly challenges the short-comings of the so-called ‘domestic-constructivists’, especially Berger and Katzenstein. However, in attempting to demolish their cases for ‘selective biases’ he then proceeds to selectively argue a similarly biased case in asserting the superiority of yet another derivation of the realist cause – ‘postclassical realism’. His key premises are based on his interpretations of the architect of Japan's National Defence Program Outline, Kubo, and in doing so ‘proves’ the military aspect of Japan's security policy and its ‘inherent superiority’ as an explanatory framework. Equally, one can mount a case for the ‘comprehensive security’ proponents by citing the work and presence of the late Okita Saburo in his contributions to understanding post-war security policy. This article will demonstrate a similar argument to that of Kawasaki's based on an analogous analytical framework which grounds Japanese security consciousness in a deeper historical context. It is part of a larger project which seeks to give empirical substance to constructivist interpretations of Japanese security. 相似文献
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We evaluate the impact of political forces in the allocation of intergovernmental grants in Portugal, as it matured from a young to an established democracy. Using a large and unexplored dataset we show that political variables condition the granting system, and that their importance changed over time. While tactical manipulation in the distribution of grants among municipalities seems to exist only in the early years of democracy, opportunistic effects are stronger in the latter years. We argue that the latter effect is due to a change in the political environment and to the electorate’s lack of information on intergovernmental grants. 相似文献
499.
David W. Richardson Susan B. Cave Linda La Grange 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2007,22(2):84-90
Little research has been conducted regarding the use of the Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) in law enforcement screening
and selection. The limited body of research that does exist appears to support its utility in the selection process. The purpose
of the present study was to investigate the validity and reliability of the Psychological Rating Risk Factor Statement (PRRFS)
developed by Roberts, Thompson, and Johnson (2004) in predicting and discriminating problem from non-problem New Mexico State
Police (NMSP) applicants. PAI profiles for each officer were obtained and transferred into the PAI Law Enforcement, Corrections,
and Public Safety Selection software program, which generated probability estimates (PRRFS) to predict the likelihood that
participants were not well-suited for a career in law enforcement. Subsequent logistic regression and receiver operating characteristic
(ROC) statistical analyses revealed that the PRRFS was ineffective in predicting and discriminating between problem and non-problem
officers. Potential explanations for this finding are discussed. 相似文献
500.
Ronet Bachman Linda E. Saltzman Martie P. Thompson Dianne C. Carmody 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2002,18(2):135-157
Using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, this paper attempts to disentangle the effects of self-protective behaviors on the risk of injury in assaults against women. Unlike previous research, in this study we address simultaneously three important conceptual and methodological issues: (1) type of self-protective behavior, (2) temporal sequencing of self-protective behavior in relation to injury, and (3) the victim/offender relationship. Results indicate that even after controlling for other contextual characteristics of an assault, the probability of a woman being injured was lowest when she employed non-physical resistance strategies such as arguing or reasoning with the offender. This was true for all types of offenders. However, for assaults involving intimates, the probability of injury was increased for women who physically resisted their attackers. 相似文献