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Helene Helboe Pedersen 《West European politics》2013,36(4):896-910
What parties want – policy, office or votes – affects how they represent their voters, make strategic decisions and respond to external changes in society. What parties strive to accomplish is crucially important for what they do. Moreover, our knowledge of what parties want affects what we expect them to do. For instance, coalition theory assumes that parties have homogeneous goals, and hence are equally likely to join coalitions given the same circumstances. However, this article investigates this basic assumption of party goal homogeneity and finds that party goals do indeed diverge. The article demonstrates that party goals are influenced by party-specific factors such as party size, policy position and intra-party politics. It therefore suggests, further, that intra-party politics should be included more systematically in future studies of party behaviour. 相似文献
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The combined force of the 2012 coup in Bamako and the rebellion in the north entailed an unmasking of Mali. What had been presented as a showcase of democracy, good governance, and peace and reconciliation proved to be a facade for institutional weakness and mismanagement. The collusion between regional and national ‘big man’ interests that the crisis revealed showed little if any respect for human security and development. This article will analyse the causes of the crisis and the strategies of key actors, including the Islamist rebels. The consequences of and responses to the conflict will also be addressed before the article ends with some tentative conclusions concerning the future stability of Mali and the Sahel region. The article is based on the authors’ long engagement with Mali, spanning more than a decade, but the most recent material presented is based on a series of in-depth interviews conducted there in February and March 2013. 相似文献
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Helene Moglen 《Women's studies international forum》1983,6(2):131-134
Feminists are understandably ambivalent about accepting and using power within mainstream hierarchical structures that support relationships of domination and inequity. Many feminists accept their membership in a marginalized group but are wary of relating to the dominant culture which threatens to absorb them. Instead, they emphasize the importance of empowering women by helping them to see the special values of their ‘proper sphere’. This position involves a choice to continue operating within the boundaries of women's oppression, since it ignores the extent to which language and consciousness, as well as the structures of power, are all socially determined. It seems more desirable for feminists to reject idealist views of female nature. Instead of disassociating ourselves from power, we should determine the ways in which power can itself be purged of its own crippling effects. An oppositional consciousness must be developed which allows engagement between those feminists at the margins and those who accept responsibility at the center. 相似文献
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Helene Helboe Pedersen 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):233-250
The subject of this article is the relationship between the central party organisation and the parliamentary party group. The article investigates whether Danish political parties are changing into parties dominated by their parliamentary party groups, as has been hypothesised. In contrast to most of the literature on party change, which is based on ideas of convergence caused by external changes, this article argues that party organisation is basically a party decision and therefore influenced by party preferences and characteristics. The analyses are based on data from the statutes of 16 Danish parties in over 50 years. One noteworthy finding is that Danish parties do not converge. Party ideology proves to be very important for the power structure of a party. Even though political parties are exposed to changing political circumstances they still organise according to their basic ideas about democracy and representation. 相似文献
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Helene Aarseth 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2-3):133-143
This article addresses a proposed rupture between duty and desire in late modern intimacy: the optimistic account of liberated love propagated by Anthony Giddens (1991, 1992) on the one hand, and the feminist critique, among others presented by Lynn Jamieson (1998, 1999) on the other, that emphasizes a widened gap between ideals of pure love and a persistent gendered division of work. Drawing on a longitudinal study of egalitarian couples in Norwegian society, the article outlines an alternative picture. Faced with a noticeable erotization of work and an accentuated focus on the child as a project, neither negotiations for a fair distribution of practical duties nor the mutual disclosure and passion seem to provide the glue in these couples. Instead, the tensions between domestic responsibilities, heavy work requirements, and high expectations on emotional closeness seem to produce new configurations of commitment and desire. Rather than untying domestic necessities from passionate love, these couples transform the timebind into a narrative about shared projects. The achievements of these shared projects are twofold: they liberate the process of home‐making from the gendered narratives, and they permeate these de‐gendered narratives with a romantic spirit. By making these joint projects a focal point in their everyday lives, these couples have managed to reformulate both love and home‐making in a way that produces a committed “in‐between” in their intimate relationship, the overarching principle that is missing in Giddens' concept of confluent love. 相似文献
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International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society - Since the beginning of the 1990s, civil society has attracted both scholarly and political interest as the ‘third sphere’... 相似文献