Luís Aguiar‐Conraria  Manuel M.F. Martins  Maria Joana Soares 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(3):377-398

In this article, wavelet tools and economic sentiment indicators are used to study the similarity and synchronization of economic cycles in the eurozone. The time‐varying and frequency‐varying patterns of business cycles synchronization are assessed and the impact of the creation of the European monetary union (EMU) in 1999 is tested. Among several results, it is found that: the EMU is associated with a significant increase in the similarity and synchronization of the economic sentiment in the eurozone; and the hard‐peg of its currency to the euro led to a comparable effect on Denmark's economic sentiment after 1999, different from what happened in the United Kingdom.  相似文献   

    

Jos Manuel Rueda‐Cantuche  Nuno Sousa  Valeria Andreoni  Iaki Arto 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(5):931-947

This article quantifies for the first time the European employment effects of extra‐EU exports and the correct number of jobs generated through the intra‐EU trade (single market) associated with the production of such exports. The literature has neglected very often the latter effects mainly due to the lack of an appropriate methodology and data. The main results of the article show that, between 2000 and 2007, an increasing number of European jobs were dependent on extra‐EU exports and on the strengthening of the trade linkages across the internal market. During the period considered, the EU employment supported by extra‐EU exports grew from 22 to 25 million jobs, out of which 9 million jobs (in 2007) were due to spillover and feedback effects associated with the single market. Between 2000 and 2007 the EU also became a more vertically integrated economy, and reduced the labour intensity of the extra‐EU exports.  相似文献   

    

Lee Jones 《Democratization》2013,20(5):780-802

In 2010, Myanmar (Burma) held its first elections after 22?years of direct military rule. Few compelling explanations for this regime transition have emerged. This article critiques popular accounts and potential explanations generated by theories of authoritarian “regime breakdown” and “regime maintenance”. It returns instead to the classical literature on military intervention and withdrawal. Military regimes, when not terminated by internal factionalism or external unrest, typically liberalize once they feel they have sufficiently addressed the crises that prompted their seizure of power. This was the case in Myanmar. The military intervened for fear that political unrest and ethnic-minority separatist insurgencies would destroy Myanmar's always-fragile territorial integrity and sovereignty. Far from suddenly liberalizing in 2010, the regime sought to create a “disciplined democracy” to safeguard its preferred social and political order twice before, but was thwarted by societal opposition. Its success in 2010 stemmed from a strategy of coercive state-building and economic incorporation via “ceasefire capitalism”, which weakened and co-opted much of the opposition. Having altered the balance of forces in its favour, the regime felt sufficiently confident to impose its preferred settlement. However, the transition neither reflected total “victory” for the military nor secured a genuine or lasting peace.  相似文献   

    

Geert Van Calster  Maria Lee 《Review of European, Comparative & International Environmental Law》2003,12(1):109-114

  相似文献   

    

Belinda Brooks‐Gordon  Loraine Gelsthorpe 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2003,42(5):437-451

Abstract: Recent legislation has taken a tough line with the clients of prostitutes. This is interesting given that such approaches have been resisted in the past by, amongst others, civil liberties groups and Members of Parliament. In this article we take a look at the legal and social history of prostitutes' clients. We examine the shifting socio‐legal definitions of men who purchase sex from women, in order to make apparent the influences that underpin the recent legislation. Our discussion concludes with comment on the state of contemporary debate following the Home Office Review, Setting the Boundaries, as we look to the Sexual Offences Bill 2003, and with it the possibility of the creation of a new Trojan horse.  相似文献   

    

Caroline Hughes  Iolo Madoc‐Jones 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2005,44(4):374-386

Abstract: This article explores issues of discrimination which may be experienced by Welsh speaking young people from Wales within the youth justice secure estate of England and Wales. The article provides a brief outline of the current use of the Welsh Language in Wales and explores the significance of being a territorially bound and historically situated linguistic group. Perceptions of members of a youth offending team (from an area with a high proportion of Welsh speakers) are used to illustrate some key issues affecting Welsh speaking young people sentenced to custody. The developmental and rehabilitative implications of the current situation for young Welsh speaking people and the institutional responses to their linguistic needs are explored. Concluding the discussion, the authors argue that either the current Youth Justice Board for England and Wales needs to engage more proactively with the bilingual context of Wales, or a new Youth Justice Board for Wales should be constituted. Such a Board, they suggest, would be specifically concerned and focused on Welsh issues and might therefore be more committed towards making equal opportunities a reality for Welsh speaking young people in custody.  相似文献   

    

Frederick Golooba‐Mutebi 《公共行政管理与发展》2003,23(5):405-418

The late 1980s saw the beginning of wide‐ranging economic and political reforms in Africa, prompted by both external and internal pressures. Demands for political reform pushed for democratisation, including decentralisation of power and resources to lower levels of government. Alongside pressures for democratisation were those for economic liberalisation, including the rolling back of the state characterised by, among other things, reducing its role in service provision. This article looks at aspects of political and economic liberalisation in Uganda, involving devolution and outsourcing of service provision in Kampala city. It focuses on the city's experience with devolution and outsourcing of solid waste management. It shows that, pockets of resistance notwithstanding, the reforms enjoyed widespread popularity and led to many positive changes. In addition, it shows that they begot problems and encountered others that rendered the process of change more problematic than its advocates had anticipated. Its major conclusion is that while devolution and outsourcing are useful tools for improving service delivery, they cannot ensure long‐term success in the absence of financial, technical and managerial capacity on the part of contractors and contracting authorities. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    

Jennifer Lees‐Marshment 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(4):358-370

Charities or interest groups need to attract supporters, who offer both financial support and participation, to achieve their overall goal of influencing public affairs. They can use political marketing to help them attract and retain such supporters. Existing literature indicates they use marketing techniques such as direct mail to communicate to potential new supporters, but new research has discovered that the influence of political marketing is much more comprehensive. The most effective groups are now using political marketing to design the package they offer to supporters. They go through a four‐stage process. First, they conduct market intelligence to understand what supporters want from the organisation and second, they design their product accordingly. Third, they communicate this to potential supporters and then finally deliver campaign progress and they communicate this to existing supporters. They use marketing concepts: they adopt a market orientation and build an organisation designed to take account of its users' needs and wants. Although such charities are often associated with non‐business behaviour, the most successful groups are adopting the concepts and techniques of comprehensive political marketing as the means to increase their influence on government and public affairs. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   

    

STEVE KROLL‐SMITH  SAUNDRA D. WESTERVELT 《Law & policy》2004,26(2):177-187

  相似文献   

    

Elizabeth K. DeMulder  Elavie Ndura‐Oudraogo  Stacia M. Stribling 《和平与变革》2009,34(1):27-48

This article examines the role of education and the responsibilities of teachers and teacher educators in working for social justice and peace. It describes a nontraditional professional development master's program designed to empower practicing teachers to become active contributors in the quest for social justice and to speak for the common good in their increasingly diverse schools and society. In the context of continuing intolerance and violence in schools and society, the program offers a model for preparing educators with the knowledge, skills, dispositions, and commitments necessary to engage in transformative social action. The article draws on teachers’ written feedback responses to examine the impact of particular curricular experiences and cumulative influences on teachers’ struggles for awareness of human diversity issues and commitments to transformative social action in their own classrooms.  相似文献