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41.
Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Regulations is a key provisionof the law of belligerent occupation. This essay examines howit has been understood by states and scholars, how it was developedby the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and whether and howit was respected by the US and the UK during their recent occupationof Iraq. Under Article 43, an occupying power must restore andmaintain public order and civil life, including public welfare,in an occupied territory. Local legislation and institutionsbased upon such legislation must be respected by an occupyingpower and by any local authorities acting under the global controlof the occupying power. This general prohibition to change thelocal legislation also applies to post-conflict reconstructionefforts, including constitutional reforms, and changes of economicand social policies. The author examines the exceptions to theprohibition and assesses whether the widespread legislativeactivities by the occupying powers in Iraq fall under theseexceptions. He then analyses the question of whether the lawof military occupation ceased to apply in Iraq on 30 June 2004.It is also suggested that Article 43 applies to some peace operationsand provides a useful framework even for those peace operationsto which it does not formally apply. 相似文献
42.
美国幅员辽阔,地处世界自然灾害三大频发地带之一的太平洋沿岸,历史上多次遭受地震、飓风、龙卷风等自然灾害的侵袭。同时,作为经济与技术发展迅速、社会矛盾错综复杂的发达资本主义国家,美国的人为灾难与技术事故也时有发生。回溯历史,在处理各种自然、人为与技术突发事件的过程中,美国不断地调整应急管理的理念,完善应急管理的体制。 相似文献
43.
美国证券规章制定的监督包括立法监督、司法监督、行政监督和非正式监督,各种监督构成一个完整的体系。其监督过程是一个由过程到结果的监督,是监督主体对其程序和实体合法性进行全方位的监督。相对于美国证券制定的监督体系,我国尚存在很多需要完善的地方。有必要借鉴美国经验,完善我国证券规章制定的监督制度。 相似文献
44.
Carol Watson 《Negotiation Journal》1994,10(2):117-127
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47.
Gerd Langguth 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(1):25-42
With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee
Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia
ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively
to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the
western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood
the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis
has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates.
While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently
confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially
conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian
societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue.
In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to
abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family
plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more
aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised
to continue the dialogue on values with Asia.
Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?”
I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article 相似文献
48.
Netherlands International Law Review - 相似文献
49.
Stephen Kershnar 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(5):437-463
In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme
Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the
educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships,
awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs
and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not
suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat
of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention
to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action. 相似文献
50.
Wolfgang Durner 《Natur und Recht》2010,32(12):900-900