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81.
82.
Marcus Schulzke 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2015,18(3):264-284
According to most accounts of just war theory, jus ad bellum is concerned with the morality of initiating war. This gives jus ad bellum a temporal dimension, making it a set of principles that are applied to judge belligerents’ actions at the outset of a war, but that cannot be revisited after a war begins. I challenge this synchronic conception of jus ad bellum by arguing that the considerations the principles of jus ad bellum are meant to judge can, and often do, change substantially over the course of wars. It is inappropriate to determine the ad bellum justice of a war solely based on how the principles of jus ad bellum are satisfied at a war’s outset. Because of the mercurial nature of war, jus ad bellum principles should be applied diachronically, as moral norms that can be used to guide or to judge belligerents even after a war has been initiated. 相似文献
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L Riddick R M Brissie J H Embry G D Cumberland T F Gilchrist J M Glass C L Rabren 《Forensic science international》1989,40(2):105-122
Eleven hundred forty-four (1144) homicides occurring in Alabama, U.S.A. during a 2-year period are presented and analyzed according to the demographic parameters of the victims, location in urban, suburban, or rural community, type of homicide based on a medical examiner's classification, presence of drugs, weapon employed and other factors. Urban dwellers, Blacks and males are found to be at high risk. Alcohol is much more prevalent than other drugs in homicide victims. Although the handgun is the weapon most commonly used throughout the state, in the rural regions the longgun is used almost as often. The difficulty of making valid comparisons with other homicide studies is discussed and the establishment of a uniform classification of homicides urged. 相似文献
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Marcus Holmes 《政策研究评论》2007,24(2):133-154
This article explores the efforts of diaspora groups to reinvigorate culture. Cultural policy studies tend to focus on efforts of the state to fund and support the maintenance, enhancement, and preservation of national culture(s). This article contributes to this area of research by noting the effects of diaspora groups in achieving many of the same ends as official cultural policy through unofficial means. Using Ukraine as an interpretive case study, the article explores diasporic efforts to respond to a lack of cultural policy at home by invigorating Ukrainian culture abroad. Through the use of social networking tools, Ukrainian diaspora groups in the United States and Canada have been successful in maintaining their culture without the state. This study suggests that cultural policy research should involve not only official state‐centric efforts, but nonofficial diaspora‐centric efforts of cultural invigoration. 相似文献
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Jason Matejkowski Jaymes Fairfax-Columbo Sara W. Cullen Steven C. Marcus Phyllis L. Solomon 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(3):362-369
This study explores the potential that current efforts to limit access to firearms for individuals with serious mental illness (SMI) have for reducing overall rates of murder by firearm in the United States. Official arrest, court and health records provided data on personal and offense characteristics of 95 individuals with SMI and 423 without, all of whom had been convicted of murder in the State of Indiana between 1990 and 2002. Bivariate analyses examined differences between the two groups and logistic regression models examined the relationship between SMI and offense characteristics. Compared to those without, a relatively small proportion of convicted murderers had a diagnosis indicating SMI. The presence of SMI was associated with reduced likelihood of targeting a stranger and was not associated with having multiple-victims or firearm use. Focusing on access to firearms exclusively by individuals with SMI will have little impact on multiple-victim or firearm-related homicides. 相似文献
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Marcus Erooga∗ 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(3):171-183
Abstract This paper outlines recent ‘public protection’ legislation in the United States of America as a basis for considering possible outcomes when public concern and political pressures combine without due regard for efficacy and appropriate balance. It highlights concerns about the implications of policy measures developing in this way and questions whether a human-rights based approach should be applied in terms of public protection policy in order to develop more effective public protection. 相似文献
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Marcus Schulzke 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):586-603
Over the past decade, a great deal of research has been done to analyze the ways in which popular media, especially movies and television shows, construct fictional terrorist threats. However, little attention has been given to the extremely popular genre of counterterrorism video games and how they fit into the War on Terror media narrative. Counterterrorism video games reflect many of the themes of other media about terrorism, such as the demonization of terrorist enemies and the exaggeration of terrorist threats. However, video games strengthen these themes to make the threat of terrorism appear more pervasive and imminent. Consequently, counterterrorism games display an intensified vision of the War on Terror narrative, in which the entire world is a war zone. This leads game narratives to simulate and justify more extreme state responses to terrorism. 相似文献