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291.
The methodology of both psychoanalysis and psychotherapy, which is that of introspection and empathy, is simply not the same as that of chemistry and physics. We are part of the system and we cannot observe without participation. Although this is a fact that we all are quite aware of, usually we treat it as an unfortunate contaminant and this then leads us to try to ignore its theoretical import. Classical psychoanalysis would do away with or minimize it by interpretation; the viewpoint of Kohut would replace it by transmuting internalizations as well as interpretations; but in psychotherapy we have an added task of assessing just how much we must work on the need for the elimination of the functional role of the therapist. To be sure, one must differentiate and clarify the so-called transference reactions related to the incestuous objects of childhood from those directed to self objects. In truth, this is an easier job in analysis, where the focus of the neurosis is enhanced and encouraged. In therapy, such clarity often is lacking or confused. The psychology of the self best allows us to determine how and when we are utilized by our patients, and to test how well they can handle our absence. The major advantage given to us by this perspective is that of being aware of the mirroring and idealizing aspects of self development.Presented as the Judith Baskin Offer Memorial Lecture. From the Institute for Psychosomatic and Psychiatric Research and Training of the Michael Reese Medical Center, Chicago, October 31, 1976.also is in private practice. Received his M.D. from the University of Illinois. Main interest is psychoanalysis.  相似文献   
292.
The claim that the 2008 presidential election was a transformative one is fast becoming part of the conventional wisdom of American politics. Despite the election’s undoubted significance, this paper argues that factors affecting voting decisions were strikingly similar to those operating in many previous presidential elections. Using data from the CCAP six-wave national election survey, we demonstrate that a valence politics model provides a powerful, parsimonious explanation of the ballot decisions Americans made in 2008. As is typical in presidential elections, candidate images had major effects on electoral choice. Controlling for several other relevant factors, racial attitudes were strongly associated with how voters reacted to the candidates. Other models of electoral choice, such as a Downsian issue-proximity model, are also relevant, but their explanatory power is considerably less than that provided by the valence politics model.  相似文献   
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This paper uses data from the British Election Study's Continuous Monitoring Surveys to investigate reactions of the British public to the economic crisis and the austerity policies the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government has adopted to deal with it. Multivariate models informed by competing valence and positional theories of electoral choice are employed to study the impact of these reactions on support for the Conservative Party and Prime Minister David Cameron and evaluations of the Conservatives' ability to handle important issues. Analyses indicate that there is widespread and growing pessimism about the prospects of resolving the economic crisis in the near future. Since the crisis began in 2008, the dynamics of these bearish attitudes have been closely linked to rising unemployment rates. Differing positions regarding the Coalition's austerity policies exert sizable effects on party support, but these attitudes have not negated the force of valence politics considerations such as party leader images, partisan attachments and global assessments of party performance.  相似文献   
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The European Union's (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is run using special procedures. The Member States have not delegated powers to the supranational institutions. Yet a number of studies challenge the assumption that policy‐making lies exclusively with Member States’ governments. The Commission's putative influence within the CFSP, however, remains to be studied systematically from an analytical perspective. Aiming to fill this gap in the literature, this article asks how the Commission de facto influences EU foreign and security policies beyond its delegated powers. Two least likely cases are analysed: the launch of EU naval mission Atalanta and the adoption of an EU Maritime Security Strategy. By adressing this question, the article contributes to a better understanding of the level of EU foreign policy integration. It also adds knowledge on the possible causes of this development, and thus to the EU integration literature more generally.  相似文献   
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Similar to a number of other right-wing populist parties in Europe, Great Britain's United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) has experienced increased public support in recent years. Using aggregate data from monthly national surveys conducted between April 2004 and April 2014, time series analyses demonstrate that the dynamics of UKIP support were influenced by a combination of spatial and valence issues. A spatial issue, Euroscepticism, was fundamental, with UKIP support moving in dynamic equilibrium with changing public attitudes towards EU membership. In addition, widespread anti-immigration sentiment and dissatisfaction with the performance of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government combined with the “oxygen of publicity” to propel UKIP's surge. The political context after the 2010 general election helped as well by enabling UKIP to benefit from valence considerations. Many voters continued to doubt the competence of the major opposition party, Labour, while the Liberal Democrats were part of the government and, hence, unavailable as a protest vehicle. Since many of the forces driving UKIP support are beyond its control, the party's prospects are highly uncertain.  相似文献   
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The international harmonization of technology‐related regulations seeks certain norms across diverse contexts. Harmonization efforts are based primarily on the promulgation of state‐centered command and control forms of regulation, though they may also be accompanied by the diffusion of more plural approaches that are decentered from the state. We contrast the ways in which the “proper” use of transgenic cotton seed technologies is understood in harmonizing regulations with the way this technology is used in practice in regions of Argentina and China. We find divergence that poses challenges for both state‐centered and decentered approaches to harmonization. While state‐centered approaches are blind to some critical processes on the ground, decentered strategies are found wanting in situations where norms remain deeply contested amongst actors situated in very uneven power relations. In both cases, we find that establishing and securing norms that are socially just and environmentally sustainable means attending much more explicitly to the political economies in which technological practices actually take root.  相似文献   
300.
  总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
A survey of thirty experienced mediators showed that three-quarters of them regarded achieving rapport with the parties as central to their success in bringing about settlements. This article discusses how mediators achieve and make use of that rapport. The article also considers the implications for mediator training of the finding that achieving rapport with the parties is a key factor in successful mediation.  相似文献   
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