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291.
This article is part of a larger project that focuses in part on the migration dynamics in large Mexican metropolitan areas or globalising cities. In particular, it develops a comparative analysis of the urbanised region of Puebla-Tlaxcala, the metropolis of Monterrey and Tijuana. All three metropolitan areas are important industrial centres that attract rural–urban as well as interstate migrations. Moreover, these urban centres are situated at routes used by migrants from Central and South America to get to the US. Yet, despite the increasing impact of migration(s) on urban areas, very little is known about its characteristics and municipal authorities have not identified inward or transmigration as issues of political importance. For our analysis we intend to map the different migrations through addressing the following question: How are migrations transforming the urban areas of Monterrey, Tijuana and Puebla-Tlaxcala and how are they inserted in and contributing to urban assemblages in these metropolitan zones? For this particular article we have chosen three distinct migratory groups to contrast: Germans in Puebla-Tlaxcala, Haitians in Tijuana and Indigenous populations in Monterrey. 相似文献
292.
Marianne Paimre 《Journal of Baltic studies》2018,49(1):47-62
The aim of this article is to analyze the changes in the coverage of illicit drugs by the Estonian press in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the restitution of Estonia’s independence. The article adapts Anthony Downs’ ‘issue-attention cycle,’ in which he proposes that public concern about certain issues follows a particular five-phase model. The author of this paper conducted a content analysis of 1523 press articles from 1993 to 2009. The analysis indicates that coverage of drug issues follows four of the five phases of Downs’ model, the exception being the fifth ‘post-problem’ phase. 相似文献
293.
Marianne S. Ulriksen 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2017,35(1):73-92
ABSTRACTThere are palpable cracks in the Botswana economic growth success story, most apparent in the evidence of persistent and extreme inequality. This article offers new insights into the Botswana puzzle by focusing on redistributive policies – taxation and transfers – as potential mechanisms to tackle poverty and inequality. The historical analysis explores how the minimal redistributive policies reflect the interests of the elites and how these actors justify their policy decisions with reference to the needs of the poor – an important electoral constituency; and it links policy developments to social and economic outcomes where no comprehensive social security system and negligible taxations means that only the well-to-do are in positions of income security and only the most vulnerable receive some relief. Diamond-rich Botswana avoids taxing its citizens. In terms of citizen engagement and ability to pursue social justice this may be a mistake. 相似文献
294.
Marianne A. Ferber Phyllis Hutton Raabe 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2003,16(3):407-430
Many years after the Velvet Revolution, feminism remains close to a dirty word in the Czech Republic, even among women who share the views of Western feminists. Surprisingly, this may in part hark back to the negative views of bourgeois feminism propounded by the Communists. Equally surprising is the very high proportion of women who are employed, almost all of them full-time, although they continue to do the lion's share of homemaking. This strategy enables Czech women to have a high sense of personal efficacy and independence. This paper emphasizes the historical roots of women's position in Czech society, and the importance of the cultural and social context for the emergence of what we term Feminism, Czech Style. 相似文献
295.
Mast cell tryptase and hemolysis after trauma 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
BACKGROUND: We have previously found increased mast cell tryptase in accidental deaths due to trauma, indicating that mast cell degranulation had occurred. The present study was designed to confirm the previous observation and to determine if tryptase release after trauma is acute or delayed. Furthermore, the importance of hemolysis and direct trauma to the mast cells was investigated. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Mast cell tryptase was measured in post-mortem blood from the femoral vein in 27 cases of death from trauma and in 27 control cases by means of a commercially available immunoassay. The trauma cases were further classified into groups with single versus multiple trauma, and groups with short survival time (i.e. death at the scene of the accident) versus longer survival time (death in hospital). In five multi-trauma deaths, blood was sampled locally from the sites of crush injury. RESULTS: The mean value of tryptase in femoral vein blood was 35.6+/-34.6 microg/l in the entire trauma group and 14.7+/-6.5 microg/l in the controls (P<0.005). In bloody liquid sampled from crush injuries, tryptase was substantially elevated in all cases, with a mean of 227+/-146 microg/l. In cases with short survival time, tryptase was significantly higher than in those who died after several hours or days in hospital (P<0.001). No statistically significant difference was seen between multi- and single-trauma cases. A correlation between hemolysis in the samples and elevated tryptase was found only in the trauma cases (P<0.05), but experimentally induced hemolysis in vitro was not found to influence the measurements. CONCLUSION: Mast cell tryptase becomes elevated in trauma deaths and this seems to be ascribable either to direct mechanical injury to tissue mast cells and/or to cell lysis. In patients initially surviving severe injuries, the effects of massive release of histamine and other mast cell mediators might be of importance for treatment strategies and prognosis. 相似文献
296.
Marianne Giles 《The Modern law review》1990,53(2):187-200
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298.
This first empirical investigation of support for federativesolutions to the Arab-Israeli conflict among the Jewish politicalleadership and general public of Israel suggests that, despitethe Palestinian Intifada and the Gulf War, there is a potentialbasis within Israel for federal approaches to intercommunaland interstate conflict resolution. Both leaders and the publicare dissatisfied with the status quo. Political leaders aremore supportive than the public of federative arrangements,while the public is somewhat more supportive of an autonomyarrangement for the Palestinians than it was before the Gulfcrisis. While the Intifada appears to have produced a slightlymore dovish trend among leaders and among voters, the Gulf Warappears not to have produced any basic changes in the viewsof political leaders or general citizens. 相似文献
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