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排序方式: 共有113条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
81.
We reviewed all 87 deaths from the Happy Land Social Club fire. All deaths were due to smoke inhalation. The carboxyhemoglobin (COHb) concentrations ranged from 37 to 93% with a mean of 76.5%. The vast majority (97%) of the decedents had a COHb concentration over 50%. Cyanide blood concentrations ranged from 0 to 5.5 mg/L with a mean of 2.2 mg/L. Nine decedents had no cyanide detected, and seven had cyanide concentrations of less than 1 mg/L. Fewer than one third of the decedents had thermal injuries, and most were partial thickness burns involving less than 20% body surface area. Ethanol was detected in 72% of decedents with a range of 0.01 to 0.29 g% and a mean blood concentration of 0.11 g%. Cocaine or cannabinoid use was identified in 9% of the decedents. All decedents were visually identified, and all had soot in the airway extending to the major bronchi. Carboxyhemoglobin concentrations corresponded well with deaths from smoke inhalation. Cyanide concentrations did not correspond with the extent of smoke inhalation, and the role of cyanide in contributing to these deaths is doubtful. Hydrogen chloride inhalation, as evidenced by comparison of the pH of tracheal mucosa to controls, was not a factor. 相似文献
82.
This study seeks to discuss the survivability of charitable nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia without foreign funding. We use cross-sectional data from a quantitative household survey conducted in April 2016 to investigate common giving patterns of Russians. We find that Russians prefer to give directly to people in need rather than to NGOs; the donations are small, spontaneous, and irregular; they are mainly targeted to supporting the poor and the sick. Involvement in religious activities and higher self-assessed income are two factors that contribute most to the probability of donating. Educated and younger donors are more likely to donate to NGOs compared to donating to particular people/families. The study suggests that private donations to NGOs will decline if no changes in public policy are made. NGOs supporting education, environment, culture, or civil organizations seem to be worst hit. 相似文献
83.
Marina Costa Lobo 《South European society & politics》2016,21(2):181-196
AbstractThis article analyses the way in which attitudes towards the transition to democracy explain party identification and ideology in Portugal. This question is important because the transition to democracy in Portugal was a turbulent process marked by a rupture with the past and institutional fluidity. It has also conditioned the main political parties’ relationships with the electorate and each other since 1974. I compare the same explanatory model results from two surveys, conducted in 2004 and 2014, respectively, to understand the extent to which perceptions about the transition help characterise the Portuguese voter over the last decade. 相似文献
84.
Karl J. Reinhard Ph.D. Marina Milanello do Amaral M.S. Nicole Wall M.F.S. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2018,63(1):244-250
Pollen analysis was applied to a mummified homicide victim in Nebraska, U.S.A., to determine the location of death. A control sample showed the normal ambient pollen in the garage crime scene. Ambient windborne types, common in the air of the region, dominated the control. Internal samples were analyzed from the sacrum, intestine, and diaphragm. Microfossils were recovered from the rehydrated intestine lumen. The intestinal sample was dominated by Brassica (broccoli). The sacrum sample was high in dietary types but with a showing of ambient types. The pollen from the diaphragm was dominated by ambient pollen similar to the control samples. The discovery of diverse pollen spectra from within a single mummy was unexpected. They show that ingested and inhaled pollen mixed in the corpse. The data linked the decedent to a specific crime scene in her Nebraska home in the southern tier of eastern counties on the border with Kansas. 相似文献
85.
This article tests the personalisation thesis in Portugal (2002–2015), as well as its causes, focusing on changes in the level of party identification and perceptions of the economy. Portugal is an interesting example given its recent experience of a harsh economic crisis, as well as a decline in party identification. Results confirm a growing exogenous impact of leader evaluations on voting over the period but not in a linear fashion. During the crisis, the growing trend of leader effects for the incumbent party continues for those voters who have a positive perception of the economy. Conversely, for the main opposition party, leader effects are greater for those who perceive the economy as being worse. Thus the crisis operates as a catalyst for leader effects. The impact of leaders is also greater among the de-aligned, the numbers of which rise considerably during the period under analysis. It is voters with no party identification, who use leaders as proxies to a greater extent. These conclusions may extend to further studies on leader effects in Western democracies and help to shed light on the process through which leaders are becoming more relevant in voting decisions. 相似文献
86.
Marina MacKay 《Women's history review》2014,23(5):812-814
87.
Marina Tzvetkova 《Trends in Organized Crime》2008,11(4):326-351
In this paper I look at the interplay between organised crime, law, and the state and argue that the evolution of organised
crime organisations in Bulgaria was shaped by the dynamic transformation of the legal and economic environment during the
90s, by policies of the state, such as, for example, the regulation of the private security and insurance industries (in 1994
and 1998 respectively), which mafia-like organisations used as fronts for their activities during the 90s and by the ability
of organised crime organisations to adapt to the constantly changing conditions. In the first section of the paper I look
at the emergence of the private security and private protection industries in Bulgaria with an emphasis on the development
of organisations using the threat of violence to settle disputes, discourage competition, retrieve stolen property and collect
debts. In the second section of the paper, I follow the transformation of certain type of private security companies into
insurance companies, which directed their activities at properties liable to risk, for instance cars and small shops. They
enjoyed an advantage over ordinary insurance companies because they possessed greater information about the risks, which could
affect the property of their clients, for example theft (car theft in particular). The concluding section discusses the development
of silovi grupirovki (the Bulgarian name for organised crime organisations) after 1998 when a very strict licensing regime for insurance companies
was introduced and alleged to be mafia-like organisations were removed from the insurance market.
相似文献
Marina TzvetkovaEmail: |
88.
Marina de Regt Medareshaw Tafesse 《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2016,9(2):228-242
ABSTRACTIn the period November 2013–April 2014 more than 160,000 Ethiopians were deported from Saudi Arabia after a seven months amnesty period for undocumented migrants came to an end. This large-scale regularization campaign of the Saudi government must be seen in light of the ‘Arab Spring’, when popular uprisings in the Middle East were threatening dictatorial regimes. The effect of the Arab Spring was felt globally; the uprisings impacted upon migrants living in countries in the Middle East and on their countries of origin. This paper looks into the experiences of Ethiopian deportees prior, during and after their forced return. We argue that the fact that the migrants were not prepared for their sudden return affected their economic, social network and psychosocial embeddedness back in Ethiopia. In addition, the Ethiopian government has not been able to improve the returnees’ economic embeddedness, which has affected their social and psychological status negatively. 相似文献
89.
90.
In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anti-corruptionism. In this article, we challenge this dominant assumption. Instead, we show that, under certain conditions, an engaged non-governmental community may, in fact, undermine the fight against corruption. Using the data from forty interviews with anti-corruption practitioners in Ukraine and Russia, as well as primary documentary sources, we present two models of anti-corruptionism whereby active civil engagement produces suboptimal outcomes. One is faux collaboration, defined as a façade of cooperation between the state and civil society, which hides the reality of one-sided reforms. The other model is that of non-collaborative co-presence, whereby the governance role is shared by the government and non-governmental activists without compromise-based solutions. In both cases, civil engagement helps perpetuate abuses of power and subvert such long-term goals of anti-corruption reforms as democratization and effective governance. 相似文献