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981.
Kyle C. Kopko Sarah McKinnon Bryner Jeffrey Budziak Christopher J. Devine Steven P. Nawara 《Political Behavior》2011,33(2):271-290
This study uses an experimental design to simulate the ballot counting process during a hand-recount after a disputed election.
Applying psychological theories of motivated reasoning to the political process, we find that ballot counters’ party identification
conditionally influences their ballot counting decisions. Party identification’s effect on motivated reasoning is greater
when ballot counters are given ambiguous, versus specific, instructions for determining voter intent. This study’s findings
have major implications for ballot counting procedures throughout the United States and for the use of motivated reasoning
in the political science literature. 相似文献
982.
Debates about the role of money in politics are commonplace. Although some critics point to the potentially negative impact
spending has in elections, most recent scholarly evidence indicates that spending may actually promote greater participation
in the political process. However, most of this research has uncovered this relationship in races for more visible offices;
few studies have focused on whether the same linkage is present in low-information elections. For a variety of reasons, it
is not altogether certain whether this relationship would exist for such offices. To test this proposition, we examine the
impact of campaign spending on voter rolloff in 172 contested races for intermediate appellate courts (IAC) between 2000 and
2008. In contrast to other types of elections, combined candidate spending in these races had no effect on ballot rolloff. 相似文献
983.
984.
Mikael Persson 《Political Behavior》2011,33(3):455-478
Numerous studies show that education has a positive effect on political participation at the individual level. However, the
increase in aggregate levels of education in most Western countries over the last decades has not resulted in a corresponding
increase in aggregate levels of political participation. Nie et al. (Education and democratic citizenship in America, 1996) propose the relative education model as a possible solution to this paradox. According to this model, it is not the skills
promoted by education that have positive effects on political participation. Rather, education influences individuals’ social
status, which in turn influences political participation. The relative education model expects that the individual-level effect
of an additional year of education will decrease as the mean level of education in the environment increases. This article
evaluates this theory using Swedish election surveys (1985–2006) and it thus provides the first in depth evaluation of the
relative education model outside the US. On voting and political participation related to political parties, support is found
for the relative education model. 相似文献
985.
Zaijun Yuan 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(4):389-405
In the Chinese political system, according to the constitution, the people’s congresses at the primary level are the only institution which the voters can directly elect. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls the “direct elections” and takes every measure in the elections to prevent grassroots power from entering even the primary-level people’s congresses. In recent years, grassroots power has kept struggling for its legal rights in the “direct elections” held in a few localities. The conflicts between the grassroots power and the authoritarian party in the “direct elections” have become an interesting political phenomenon, a subject deserves close observation and research. This paper studies the background of the independent candidates, their motivations and behaviour in elections. The paper also examines the party’s control in the elections and thus exposes the true nature of China’s people’s congress “direct” elections. The paper argues that independent candidates can have little impacts on China’s political structure at the current stage because of the party’s tight control, but their political participation has the most democratic value, compared with the “reforms” instigated and carried out by the CCP. 相似文献
986.
Augustine Brannigan 《Society》2011,48(5):420-425
Reports on the UN criminal tribunals and the related hybrid courts raise grave concerns about their sustainability in terms
of costs and their legal standards in respect of evidence. The effectiveness of the current courts is compared to the domestic
prosecution of offenders from the Auschwitz concentration camp. Although the Auschwitz court failed to capture the enormity
of the crime of genocide, there are nonetheless good reasons to re-visit the use of domestic courts and other remedies for
such crimes today, particularly after adoption of the genocide law by nation states. Ideals of cosmopolitan justice behind
the UN courts are being exported to societies that are ill-equipped to apply or afford them; and domestic legal development
suffers as a consequence. 相似文献
987.
Markella B. Rutherford 《Society》2011,48(5):407-412
This essay reflects upon the current cultural skirmishes over the parenting practices of Americans, which have pitted “Helicopter
Parents” against “Free-Range Kids”; “Tiger Mothers” against “Panda Dads;” and at-risk communities “Waiting for Superman” against
privileged students in the “Race to Nowhere.” Despite the exaggerated claims of difference in these and other popular representations
of the parenting wars, a common theme of building children’s self-esteem is evident as a cornerstone of contemporary American
parenting practices. Through different means, the relatively privileged parents who write child-rearing memoirs (or confessionals)
pursue a similar end: to build and enhance their children’s self-concept and emotional competence. In particular, professional-class
parents who are anxious about their own prospects for continued success in a risky economy turn toward emotional capital as
a necessary supplement to educational and extra-curricular success to ensure inter-generational transmission of advantage.
The goals of emotional competence and self-esteem replicate the mechanisms of control to which elite parents are subjected
in professional careers and therefore represent an important form of cultural capital in the reproduction of class advantages. 相似文献
988.
989.
990.
The article reviews the state of research on public-private partnerships (PPP) which, following a development in the Anglo-Saxon countries, in the past few years have been introduced as a policy tool in Germany as well. Based on a short conceptual and historical introduction, recent political science publications as well as contributions from economic, legal, and administrative scientists are systematized and critically assessed. This also includes a review of selected publications on PPP experiences in Britain. Finally, the paper discusses relatively neglected research issues, including methodological deficits as well as problems of input legitimacy. 相似文献