首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   276篇
  免费   8篇
各国政治   17篇
工人农民   23篇
世界政治   22篇
外交国际关系   13篇
法律   125篇
政治理论   80篇
综合类   4篇
  2022年   2篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   8篇
  2018年   8篇
  2017年   9篇
  2016年   10篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   41篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   9篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   9篇
  2008年   5篇
  2007年   8篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   8篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   4篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   4篇
  1996年   5篇
  1995年   4篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   7篇
  1990年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   4篇
  1981年   3篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   1篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   3篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   1篇
  1971年   3篇
  1969年   3篇
  1967年   1篇
排序方式: 共有284条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
12.
This paper examines the evolution of China's food standard‐setting procedures from both domestic and international perspectives, particularly in the context of the internationalization of regulation. After the reform and opening‐up in 1978, state actors and leading enterprises monopolized the process of national food standard setting. With further participation in the global economy in the 21st century, China has become familiar with the international standard‐setting procedures and has modeled its domestic policymaking on these practices. This has resulted in a more transparent, inclusive, scientific, pluralized, and consensus‐based form of decisionmaking. By contrast, the standards of the strategic industries have been harmonized to the standards of international counterparts through a top‐down and authoritarian approach. This paper argues that China uses an accommodative approach, trichotomizing suitable standards and decisionmaking procedures in terms of inclusiveness and transparency, which suits the developmental needs of the domestic market, food export markets, and strategic industries.  相似文献   
13.
14.
Climate change adaptation refers to altering infrastructure, institutions or ecosystems to respond to the impacts of climate change. Least developed countries often lack the requisite capacity to implement adaptation projects. The Global Environment Facility’s Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) is a scheme where industrialised countries have disbursed $934.5 million in voluntary contributions to support 213 adaptation projects across 51 least developed countries. But how effective are its efforts—and what sort of challenges have arisen as it implements projects? To provide some answers, this article documents the presence of four “political economy” attributes of adaptation projects—processes we have termed enclosure, exclusion, encroachment and entrenchment—cutting across economic, political, ecological and social dimensions. Based on extensive field research, we find the four processes at work simultaneously in our case studies of five LDCF projects being implemented in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, the Maldives and Vanuatu. The article concludes with a discussion of the broader implications of the political economy of adaptation for analysts, program managers and climate researchers at large. In sum, the politics of adaptation must be taken into account so that projects can maximise their efficacy and avoid marginalising those most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change.  相似文献   
15.
This essay explores the politics of memorialization and the relationship between grief, death, gesture and public space in the performances of Pia Lindman in New York City between 2002 and 2005.  相似文献   
16.
17.
18.
This article examines the prevalence and consequences of authoritarian attitudes among elites in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela. We focus on the connection between antidemocratic elite attitudes and support for democracy; the causes and effects of authoritarian attitudes among elites and their implications for authoritarianism; and the impact of authoritarian attitudes beyond social policy preferences to other policy areas that have indirect implications for order. Contrary to some of the literature, we find that antidemocratic attitudes affect elites' support for democracy. Our analysis also speaks to the debate on the origins of authoritarianism. Much of the evidence supports Altemeyer's notion that perceived threat raises levels of authoritarianism, rather than Feldman's contention that threat strengthens the influence of authoritarian attitudes. Finally, we demonstrate that there is a broader influence of authoritarian attitudes on economic policy preferences, but only where those policies appear to have implications for social order.  相似文献   
19.
20.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号