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161.
P J May 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1982,2(1):39-54
As in most cases of natural disasters, relief needs arising out of the Mount St. Helens volcanic eruptions in May 1980 were greatly overestimated. Technical, bureaucratic, and political considerations all contribute to the upward bias in such cases. The errors in early estimates of relief needs can be reduced by systematic means. But more important than obtaining good early estimates is maintaining an effective control over actual disaster relief expenditures. As it turns out, the more effective systems of control usually go hand in hand with poorer early estimates, creating a dilemma for the management for disaster relief. 相似文献
162.
Adhesive tape-lifts are a commonly used technique for the recovery of DNA from forensic exhibits. Examination of large forensic exhibits or tape-lifts from old “cold” cases can make the direct submission of the tapes for extraction difficult. By applying a swab loaded with an organic solvent to the tape-lift, any DNA bound to the tape can be transferred and concentrated on to the swab head. Whilst removing any DNA, the tape's glue adhesive is also transferred. This requires a modified extraction technique that can dissolve the adhesive whilst maintaining the integrity of any DNA. Of several solvents tested, xylene was shown to be the solvent of choice, efficiently removing the adhesive and any bound DNA. A modified chelex extraction method, again incorporating xylene, provided optimal conditions for dissolving the adhesive and releasing the DNA for lysis. 相似文献
163.
Rachel Stevens 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(4):566-583
The Bangladesh Liberation War against West Pakistan in 1971 triggered an exodus of ten million refugees, the deaths of approximately 1.5 million people and widespread destruction of villages, crops and infrastructure. Preoccupied with the Cold War and domestic politics, powerful nations such as the US and UK did not intervene directly and reluctantly provided aid. The Australian government, for its part, was particularly slow to offer aid, trailing efforts of New Zealand and most Western European governments. While the McMahon administration remained indifferent, Australians from diverse backgrounds engaged with this conflict by raising public awareness, fundraising and lobbying the Australian government to increase its aid contribution to Bangladeshis displaced by war. At a time when Australian government policies focused on the war in Indo‐China, Cold War politics and development in south‐east Asia and the south Pacific, I consider the ways Australian individuals offered aid to Asian, non‐Christian refugees, some of whom held Maoist views. Using archival materials, historical newspapers and census data, this article argues that, paradoxically, it was individuals with little political capital who spearheaded Australian efforts to aid Bangladeshi refugees. In short, the Bangladesh Liberation War provoked a groundswell of suburban activism that acted independently of government policies. 相似文献
164.
Christopher May 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(10):2223-2241
In light of the 2014 Ecuador-sponsored resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to examine the link between Transnational Corporations and Human Rights, in this paper I review the first major discussion at the United Nations of the role of multinational corporations. The report on Multinational Corporations in World Development (1973) for the UN Department of Economic and Social affair launched the (then) new UN Centre on Transnational Corporations. I examine the report in some detail, compare and contrast this with the Ecuadorian resolution from 2014, and reflect on the continuities and changes in attempts to regulate the conduct of global corporations over the 40 years between these two moments. 相似文献
165.
H. Luz McNaughton Reyes Vangie A. Foshee May S. Chen Susan T. Ennett 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(8):1727-1742
Theory and research suggest that there may be significant heterogeneity in the development, manifestation, and consequences of adolescent dating violence that is not yet well understood. The current study contributed to our understanding of this heterogeneity by identifying distinct patterns of involvement in psychological, physical, and sexual dating violence victimization and perpetration in a sample of Latino youth (n?=?201; M?=?13.87 years; 42% male), a group that is understudied, growing, and at high risk for involvement in dating violence. Among both boys and girls, latent class analyses identified a three-class solution wherein the largest class demonstrated a low probability of involvement in dating violence across all indices (“uninvolved”; 56% of boys, 64% of girls) and the smallest class demonstrated high probability of involvement in all forms of dating violence except for sexual perpetration among girls and physical perpetration among boys (“multiform aggressive victims”; 10% of boys, 11% of girls). A third class of “psychologically aggressive victims” was identified for which there was a high probability of engaging and experiencing psychological dating violence, but low likelihood of involvement in physical or sexual dating violence (34% of boys, 24% of girls). Cultural (parent acculturation, acculturation conflict), family (conflict and cohesion) and individual (normative beliefs, conflict resolution skills, self-control) risk and protective factors were associated with class membership. Membership in the multiform vs. the uninvolved class was concurrently associated with emotional distress among girls and predicted emotional distress longitudinally among boys. The results contribute to understanding heterogeneity in patterns of involvement in dating violence among Latino youth that may reflect distinct etiological processes. 相似文献
166.
Daniel Stevens 《Political Behavior》2009,31(3):429-454
Recent studies contend that negative advertising benefits voters. However, these studies only measure the volume of negativity
in campaigns, often relying on survey data on voter behavior coupled with estimates of negative ad exposure. Theories of information
processing indicate that the proportion of negativity may yield influences spanning a range of judgments related to candidate
construction and voting behavior, yielding effects that are different from the influence of sheer volume. Thus, I argue that
the proportion of negativity also has an influence, and that it is likely more often to be detrimental. I examine this claim using survey
data and conclude that prevailing accounts of the effects of negative advertising campaigns are underspecified and, as a result,
potentially overly optimistic.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Daniel StevensEmail: |
167.
F. Stevens Redburn 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2015,35(4):1-17
To develop a federal budget process that delivers better fiscal outcomes for the nation consistently over an extended period would require new information and analysis, applying these to decisions through properly designed procedures, and strengthening the institutions that support wise fiscal choices. Changes in each of these process components intended to contribute to good fiscal outcomes are described, and obstacles to their adoption and use are noted. Such reforms could yield budgets that deploy public resources today to carry out strategies promising to increase the nation's ability to survive inevitable social and fiscal shocks and to take advantage of expected and unexpected opportunities for its citizens to thrive, grow, and fulfill their dreams. 相似文献
168.
169.
Ashley J. Stevens 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2004,29(1):93-99
The Bayh–Dole Act of 1980 reversed 35 years of public policy and gave universities and small businesses the unfettered right to own inventions that resulted from federally funded research. The Act was opposed by the Carter administration, which had a different view of how to utilize the results of federally funded research to drive economic development. It is not widely appreciated that the bill had died in the regular sessions of the 96th Congress and was only passed into law in a lame duck session necessitated to pass the budget. Only a magnanimous gesture of respect for Senator Birch Bayh, who had been defeated in the 1980 election, on the part of Senator Russell Long allowed the bill to receive the unanimous consent needed to pass a bill in lame duck session. This article lays out the roles of the key congressional staffers who forged this historic compromise and the last minute maneuvers needed to obtain President Carters signature. 相似文献
170.