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Sarah H. Bana Kelly Bedard Maya Rossin-Slater 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(4):888-929
We use 10 years of California administrative data with a regression kink design to estimate the causal impacts of benefits in the first state-level paid family leave program for women with earnings near the maximum benefit threshold. We find no evidence that a higher weekly benefit amount (WBA) increases leave duration or leads to adverse future labor market outcomes for this group. In contrast, we document that a rise in the WBA leads to an increased likelihood of returning to the pre-leave firm (conditional on any employment) and of making a subsequent paid family leave claim. 相似文献
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Maya Chadda 《India Review》2019,18(5):485-502
ABSTRACTThis article explores new lines of conceptualization to understand India’s regional behavior. It argues that the twin concepts of relational power and domestic balance of forces provide better insights into India’s post-Cold war responses than some of the available explanations. It allows us to connect the domestic and external dimensions of policy and identify the cluster of state and non-state actors that shape policy responses. Imagining India’s regional behavior in relational terms allows us to better explain the gap between power and policies, what current literature has identified as the key puzzle in India’s foreign policy behavior. 相似文献
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Krischer MK Stone MH Sevecke K Steinmeyer EM 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2007,30(3):191-200
The objective of this study was to examine different motivational factors, leading mothers to commit neonaticidal, infanticidal or filicidal acts. This study was based on data gathered through a retrospective chart review of all filicidal women admitted to the Mid-Hudson Forensic Psychiatric Hospital in New York State (MHFPC) between 1976 and 2000 (n=57). Because our sample was drawn from MHFPC records it excludes filicidal mothers who went directly to prison. Our women were either found not competent to stand trial, or found not guilty by reason of insanity, or were convicted offenders who were seriously mentally ill and were not sent to prison. Fourteen percent committed neonaticide, meaning that they killed their child within the first day of its life; 21% killed the child after the first day but before it reached its first birthday (infanticide); and 65% committed filicide by murdering a child older than one. Two groups of women could be identified as having different motivational profiles: The neonaticidal mothers were mostly troubled by psychosis and social problems while the filicidal women were defined as severely depressed, with a history of self-directed violence and a high rate of suicide attempts following the filicidal offense. 相似文献
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Ann P. Bartel Maya Rossin‐Slater Christopher J. Ruhm Jenna Stearns Jane Waldfogel 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2018,37(1):10-37
Using difference‐in‐difference and difference‐in‐difference‐in‐difference designs, we study California's Paid Family Leave (CA‐PFL) program, the first source of government‐provided paid parental leave available to fathers in the Unites States. Relative to the pre‐treatment mean, fathers of infants in California are 46 percent more likely to be on leave when CA‐PFL is available. In households where both parents work, we find suggestive evidence that CA‐PFL increases both father‐only leave‐taking (i.e., father on leave while mother is at work) and joint leave‐taking (i.e., both parents on leave at the same time). Effects are larger for fathers of first‐born children than for fathers of later‐born children. 相似文献
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Maya Winfrey 《Women & Performance》2016,26(2-3):208-221
Using a dialogic format this conversation between two authors uses political theorist Paolo Virno's conception of the “multitude” to examine and compare two different arenas of black feminist protest that took place on social media in the latter half of 2013. As a performative article, it offers historical and theoretical background to the terms “multitude,” “public intellect,” and “virtuosic labor” in racialized capitalist formations, situating them to provide an alternative to the power of the State – an alternative that unlike the State does not claim to confer rights. The article looks at the Facebook response to a call from the Crunk Feminist Collective to white feminists to speak out on the verdict exonerating Trayvon Martin’s killer and offer counter images to those that describe Martin's killing as justified. It then looks at the public dialogue around the applicability of the term “feminism” to Beyoncé's self-titled “visual album.” Through aesthetic inquiry, the authors look at the form these examples of protest take to situate and propose the active viewing of these aesthetic forms by others on social media, as well as by the authors of this article, as a kind of virtuosic labor. The article concludes with a series of poems created using the “cut-up” technique designed to transmit feeling through subjective action and a task manifesto for white feminists to use as a guide. 相似文献
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In this paper, we evaluate the impact of associational life on individual political trust in 57 Swiss municipalities. Our hierarchical regression models show that individual political trust is not only affected by individual associational membership but also by the exchange between associations and local political authorities in a community. In other words, if political authorities and associations are linked at the community level, citizens will place more trust in their local institutions. Furthermore, we find clear evidence for the rainmaker hypothesis: our results show that the positive effect of a vibrant connection between associational life and local politics on political trust is not solely confined to the associational members themselves, but rather indicate that the structure of the local civic culture fosters political trust among members and non-members at the same time. However, the internal democratic processes of associations have no effect on individuals’ trust in local political institutions. 相似文献