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91.
Louis René Beres 《Policy Sciences》1973,4(4):509-521
Conclusion The creation of improved systems of world order requires great care. Alternative configurations may or may not prove more suitable, and each must be painstakingly examined on its own merits. For those of us who are actively concerned with studying about world order, this means the application of a far more rigorous conception of inquiry to our subject. So long as we cannot accept the Leibnizian claim that this is certainly the best of all possible worlds, our search for better ones must certainly be the best of all possible searches. This means that models of world order must be derived from appropriate hypotheses and subjected to the strictures of systematic analysis. World order studies must be treated in accordance with the strict canons of inquiry outlined in this essay. Only then can they begin to develop the highly generalized system of theory that characterizes any science. 相似文献
92.
93.
This article addresses the critical problem of sexual harassment in criminal justice agencies. The authors assess empirically
the incidents of sexual harassment in criminal justice organizations, and discuss why sexual harassment is more prevalent
in criminal justice agencies than in other public agencies. 相似文献
94.
While scholars have tended to focus on domestic factors as most critical to the consolidation of democracy, the post-communist
European Union (EU) candidate states have exhibited a unique confluence of domestic and foreign policies, due to their objective
of EU membership. This article assesses and compares the impact of the EU on policy making in two diverse candidate states
in their first decade of transition, focusing on minority rights protection as a fundamental requirement of both EU membership
and a stable democracy. I find that the EU has played a principal role in the reform process and democratic consolidation
of candidate states, even in the controversial field of minority rights. The degree and nature of the EU’s impact, however,
has depended in part on the activism of the particular minority, EU interest and pressure, EU Member States’ own domestic
policies, and the persistence of racism in society.
Dr. Melanie H. Ram is a research associate at the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies at George Washington
University and Senior Program Officer for the Japan International Cooperation Agency USA Office. She has written extensively
on European Union enlargement and democratic consolidation and reform in Central and Southeastern Europe, and is the author
most recently of “Harmonizing Laws with the European Union: The Case of Intellectual Property Rights in the Czech Republic”
inNorms and Nannies: The Impact of European Organizations on Central and East European States (2002).
Earlier versions of this article were presented at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, 30 August–2
September 2001, San Francisco, CA and at “Voice or Exit: Comparative Perspectives on Ethnic Minorities in Twentieth Century
Europe,” Humboldt University, Berlin, 14–16 June 2001. 相似文献
95.
96.
From Participatory Reform to Social Capital: Micro‐Motives and the Macro‐Structure of Civil Society Networks
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Although a wide‐ranging literature explores the favorable effects of social capital, it is only relatively recently that systematic attention has been directed to the manner in which social networks emerge and the consequent implications for civic engagement and collaborative governance. This article employs advanced social network statistical models to examine civic network emergence following a participatory reform in Los Angeles. Findings suggest that the reform fostered a number of favorable network attributes supportive of democratic participation. At the same time, subtle but ubiquitous effects of socioeconomic sorting had the unintended and undesirable effect of elevating higher‐status actors within the emergent civic network. These findings suggest that macro‐level policy interventions are required to foster the development of ties that promote cross‐talk among socioeconomically distinct community groups. 相似文献
97.
98.
Diagnostic Value of PSA and AP Tests for the Detection of Spermatozoa in Postmortem Swabs from the Genital and Anal Region in Males
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Laurence Weitzig M.D. Ann Sophie Schroeder M.D. Ph.D. Christa Augustin Ph.D. Tobias Raupach M.D. M.M.E. Susanne Sehner M.Sc. Sven Anders M.D. M.M.E. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(1):41-44
The aim of this study was to clarify whether positive results for prostate‐specific antigen (PSA) and acid phosphatase (AP) occur in postmortem swabs from the genito‐anal region in males (n = 80; 4 regions) and females (n = 20; 3 regions) and to calculate the positive predictive value (PPV) concerning the presence of spermatozoa. In male subjects, the highest incidence of positive test results was found in urethral swabs (PSA 76%, AP 71%) and the lowest frequencies appeared in perianal and rectal swabs (15–20%). Microscopic evaluation for spermatozoa was positive between 39% in urethral swabs and 1% in rectal swabs. PPV regarding positive identification of spermatozoa was 33.3% for PSA and 31.5% for AP. The combination of both tests yielded a PPV of 38.2%. In female cases, no spermatozoa were identified, and one case was PSA‐ and AP‐positive in perianal swabs. Our findings indicate that PSA and AP tests are of limited value for the postmortem detection of spermatozoa in male subjects. 相似文献
99.
Ann Firth 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2004,50(4):491-508
The architects of Australian post-war reconstruction had learned from the experience of the Depression that subordinating the social order to economic objectives could have disastrous results. In Australia as elsewhere, interwar political and civic institutions were not sufficiently robust to protect society from the instability of a system based on the economically rational choices of individual entrepreneurs. High unemployment, which had characterised the interwar years and reached catastrophic levels in the Depression, convinced the architects of post-war reconstruction that new political institutions were necessary. The civil and political institutions they attempted to create were expressed in a particular anthropology constituted around their own identity as experts and the identities of the entrepreneur, the breadwinner and his wife. 相似文献
100.