A Demos for the European Union?

The European Union's alleged shortage of democratic legitimacy is said to be caused partly by the polity's lack of a demos which makes it unsuitable for majoritarian decision-making. However, this problem is often overshadowed by – sometimes even confused with – the lack of public enthusiasm as regards European integration. But, although clearly related, these are not synonymous. The no-demos thesis focuses on the lack of a transnational political relationship between individuals and is related mainly to the legitimacy of the EU's decision-making processes , whereas the issue of popular support primarily relates to the legitimacy of European integration itself. In this article, I address the former by attempting to answer the following questions. Firstly, what do we mean when we say that the EU has no demos? Secondly, does the EU really need a demos, and if so, how can one be created?     

Forensic osteological investigations in Kosovo

A team of Finnish forensic experts performed investigations of alleged mass graves in Kosovo under the mandate of the European Union (EU). Human skeletal remains from two locations were examined. The remains contained three almost complete skeletons, and individual bones and bone fragments, part of which were burned. Injuries, pathological changes, and findings for identification purposes were examined and documented using standard methods of forensic pathology and osteology. Gunshot injuries were found in some cases, but reliable determination of the cause and manner of death was not possible. A discrepancy arose between the number of victims reported in information received from the presiding district court, and results of the investigations. The estimation of the minimum number of victims was mostly acquired by DNA analysis.     

Reliability and validity of eight dental age estimation methods for adults

This paper evaluates the reliability and validity of eight published dental age estimation methods for adults that may aid in victim identification. Age was calculated on 20 Caucasian teeth of known age according to the methods of Kvaal (for in situ and extracted teeth), Solheim (for in situ and sectioned teeth), Lamendin (for extracted teeth), Johanson (for sectioned teeth) and Bang (for extracted and sectioned teeth) by one independent observer. For each method, mean age error and standard error were assessed as the measures of accuracy and precision. In addition, method simplicity, requirements for tooth preparation and the equipment necessary were assessed and recommendations given for forensic use in various situations. Methods for sectioned teeth gave more reliable results when compared to methods for intact teeth.     

Conflict and Identity: Explaining Turnout and Anti-integrationist Voting in the Danish 2004 Elections for the European Parliament

This article investigates electoral participation and the antecedents of anti-integrationist voting (AIV) in the Danish 2004 European parliamentary elections. First, it focuses on the effects of the campaign and assesses the importance of social demographics and political predispositions vis-à-vis mediated and interpersonal communication on turnout. Second, it investigates AIV, focusing on 'hard' utilitarian predictors and 'soft' cultural predictors. It draws on the European Election Study (EES) post-electoral voter survey and a media content analysis of the most important news media outlets. Its findings corroborate previous research on political participation and shows significant positive effects of interpersonal political discussion and exposure to news media that portrayed the European elections as a conflict-laden contest on turnout. The analysis of AIV highlights the importance of proxies (lack of trust and dissatisfaction with the incumbent government) and political ideology, but also feelings of identity. The latter provides evidence from the Danish context in support of an emerging body of literature emphasizing 'soft' explanations of euroscepticism.     

A fatal poisoning involving Bromo-Dragonfly

This paper reports a fatal overdose case involving the potent hallucinogenic drug Bromo-Dragonfly (1-(8-bromobenzo[1,2-b; 4,5-b′]difuran-4-yl)-2-aminopropane). In the present case, an 18-year-old woman was found dead after ingestion of a hallucinogenic liquid. A medico-legal autopsy was performed on the deceased, during which liver, blood, urine and vitreous humour were submitted for toxicological examination. Bromo-Dragonfly was identified in the liver blood using UPLC–TOFMS, and was subsequently quantified in femoral blood (0.0047 mg/kg), urine (0.033 mg/kg) and vitreous humour (0.0005 mg/kg) using LC–MS/MS. Calibration standards were prepared from Bromo-Dragonfly isolated from a bottle found next to the deceased. The structure and purity of the isolated compound were unambiguously determined from analysis of UPLC–TOFMS, GC–MS, HPLC–DAD, ¹H and ¹³C NMR data and by comparison to literature data.The autopsy findings were non-specific for acute poisoning. However, based on the toxicological findings, the cause of death was determined to be a fatal overdose of Bromo-Dragonfly, as no ethanol and no therapeutics or other drugs of abuse besides Bromo-Dragonfly were detected in the liver, blood or urine samples from the deceased. To our knowledge, this is the first report of quantification of Bromo-Dragonfly in a biological specimen from a deceased person. This case caused the drug to be classified as an illegal drug in Denmark on 5th December 2007.     

Distributed leadership and performance-related employee outcomes in public sector organizations

Distributed leadership is the sharing of leadership tasks between managers and employees. This article demonstrates how a distributed leadership perspective adds to the public administration literature by including an important sensitivity to planned and nonplanned leadership. We propose a theoretical model that explains the impact of distributed leadership on employee outcomes which have a direct or indirect impact on organizational performance in public organizations contingent on alignment with individual leadership capacity and organizational goals. Our empirical analysis in the Danish hospital sector shows initial support for the expected relationships between distributed leadership and performance-related employee outcomes such as job satisfaction and innovative behavior. This indicates that the distributed leadership perspective holds the potential to strengthen service delivery in complex public service organizations while there is weaker support for the notion that the positive impact of distributed leadership depends on individual leadership capacity and their support for organizational goals.     

Vivir bien governance in Bolivia: chimera or attainable utopia?

The notion of vivir bien – a complex set of ideas, worldviews, and knowledge deriving from indigenous movements, activist groups, and scholars of indigeneity – has become an overarching principle for policy-making and state transformation processes in Andean countries. This article analyses the contradiction between the principle of vivir bien as an egalitarian utopian category and its bureaucratic application in Bolivia to state formation processes and power dynamics involving social movements. It argues that while discursively grounded on such egalitarian principles as reciprocity and rotating authority, its implementation entails bureaucratic propensities to centralise power and authority. Instead of decolonising the state, it is used to discipline the masses.     

Assessing the Impact of Parliamentary Design: The Case of the Danish Committee on Gender Equality

This article contributes to the literature on parliamentary design in general and the pioneer literature on parliamentary bodies specialized in gender equality in particular. It does so by establishing a frame for the critical assessment of the impacts of such an institutional design. Moreover, by using interviews and data on the behavior of committee members, it demonstrates the advantages of applying a mixed method within a field that has mostly relied on participant interviews. A systematic analysis of the impact of the Danish Committee on Gender Equality shows that although this particular committee has not succeeded in adding the perspective of gender equality to legislation, it has increased parliamentary control with the government. Furthermore, it has enabled much better interaction between parliament and civil society organizations.     

Fundamental change or no change? The process of constitutionalizing Uganda

Formal and informal political institutions in Uganda are examined in order to establish what, and how much has changed since the National Resistance Movement (NRM) led by Yoweri Museveni came to power in 1986. The country's 1995 constitution offers many democratic innovations but it also continues to reflect the informal institution of presidentialism. The presidential tradition has nonetheless changed since Museveni took office: the executive is now more accountable than before. The use of state resources for political legitimation also continues to exist but is no longer a form of outright robbery of the state. Clientelism and ‘affective’ ties constitute a further informal institution. The ‘tribal’ features have become stronger since 1986. The persistence of certain informal institutions is confirmed by reference to recent political discourse in Uganda. Thus the NRM government has built relative stability and peace, which are important for constitutional rule, but is simultaneously undermining stability by politicizing ethnicity as well as by placing severe restrictions on opposition party activities. The informal political institutions in Uganda have changed since 1986, but not in a uni‐directional manner: some changes support constitutional rule, and some impede it.