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921.
One must take country-specific institutional features into account when analyzing former communist countries’ transformation process to new political institutions. We do so for post-communist Albania, where the regional and cultural polarization that has existed for centuries has evolved to clientelism in the new democracy. We show how clientelistic parties give rise to very particular voting patterns. These reveal major differences across regions not only in party choice but also in voters’ responses to government policies. These responses depend on the party in government and on the region concerned. This is in sharp contrast with results obtained when applying the same model to a large number of more advanced democracies with similar electoral institutions. A proper evaluation of democratization in Albania thus requires looking beyond the formal institutions governing elections and taking clientelism and its effect on voter behavior into account. 相似文献
922.
Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2009,46(3):237-239
As Leon Kass has noted, the conquest of illness and death has long been “the unstated but implicit goal of modern medical
science.” But it is unstated no more. Since the late 1990s, a new generation of scientists and enthusiasts has emerged to
proclaim the feasibility and desirability of radical life extension. What they promise is not just longer life, better health,
and heightened vitality, but a transformation of ourselves into the sort of beings we have long wished to be, but have repeatedly
failed to become: beings who are completely fulfilled and living in perfect harmony with others. Despite the obvious and profound
appeal of such a fantasy, attempts to realize it, even if successful scientifically, might prove to be disastrous culturally,
for reasons that go beyond concerns about the alteration of existing social structures. Ultimately, as Freud argued, life
might well become stagnant, “shallow and empty,” while the fear of death might become all the more crippling.
相似文献
Howard L. KayeEmail: |
923.
The riskiness of state employee pension plan portfolios varies across states. We investigate whether this variation is related to how public employees and taxpayers share actuarial surpluses of pension accounts. We focus on two determinants of a plan’s asset mix: the relative influence of public employees to taxpayers; and whether a surplus-sharing contract is specified. Our theoretical model demonstrates that the effect of public employee influence on the asset mix is ambiguous. Our empirical results corroborate this complex theoretical result. In our theoretical and empirical analyses, if a surplus sharing rule is specified, plans adopt a more aggressive investment allocation. 相似文献
924.
Social capital has attracted increasing attention in recent years. We use county-level and individual survey data to study how Wal-Mart affects social capital. Estimates using several proxies for social capital—such as club membership, religious activity, time with friends, and other measures—do not support the thesis that “Wal-Mart destroys communities” by reducing social capital. We measure exposure to Wal-Mart two ways: Wal-Marts per 10,000 residents and Wal-Marts per 10,000 residents aggregated over the years since 1979 to capture a more cumulative “Wal-Mart Effect.” We find that the coefficients on Wal-Mart’s presence are statistically insignificant in most specifications. 相似文献
925.
Michael J. Ensley 《Public Choice》2009,138(1-2):221-238
Individual citizens are the largest source of contributions for congressional candidates in the United States. This paper investigates if and how fundraising from this source is related to the ideological positions of candidates. Specifically, we ask whether the amount of contributions depends on: (1) the extremity of candidate ideology; and (2) the level of candidate divergence in the same race. These results have important implications for candidate positioning strategies, as well as for evaluating the effects of recent campaign finance reforms. 相似文献
926.
Jonathan S. Morris 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):79-102
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis
of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher
during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily
based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused
much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous
physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party
conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These
relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic
ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent. 相似文献
927.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |
928.
Jay K. Dow 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):117-136
This study assesses whether gender-based differences in political knowledge primarily result from differences in observable
attributes or from differences in returns for otherwise equivalent characteristics. It applies a statistical decomposition
methodology to data obtained from the 1992–2004 American National Election Studies. There is a consistent 10-point gender
gap in measured political knowledge, of which approximately one-third is due to gender-based differences in the characteristics
that predict political knowledge, with the remaining two-thirds due to male–female differences in the returns to these characteristics.
The methodology identifies the relative contribution of the predictors of political knowledge to each portion of the gap,
and then uses this information to elucidate the underlying sources of the political knowledge gender gap and its prognosis.
Education is the characteristic that most clearly enlarges the gap, with men receiving significantly larger returns to political
knowledge from education than women. Group membership reduces the gap as women obtain gains in political knowledge from belonging
to organizations that do not accrue to men. However, these gains are not sufficient to significantly reduce the gap.
相似文献
Jay K. DowEmail: |
929.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
930.
From 9/11 in the U.S. to train, subway, and airport bombings elsewhere, individuals frequently must make political decisions
in the shadow of terrorist attacks. To date, few studies have examined how times of terror threat influence voters’ decision-making
processes. Using data generated from three experiments we show that, in times of terrorist threat (compared to good times),
individuals weight leadership more heavily in the voting booth. Our results also shed light on how much weight is given to
other determinants of the vote (issues and partisanship) across these two conditions. 相似文献