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Michelle A. Amazeen 《Journal of Political Marketing》2016,15(4):433-464
Which types of political ads are most likely to draw criticism from fact-checkers? Are fact-checkers consistent in their evaluations of political ads? Examining general election television ads from the 2008 U.S. presidential race, and based upon the evaluations of FactCheck.org, PolitiFact.com, and the Washington Post's Fact Checker, this study demonstrates it was the attack ads from candidates that were most likely to draw scrutiny from the fact-checkers. Most importantly, a high level of agreement between the fact-checkers indicates their success at selecting political claims that can be consistently evaluated. While political advertisers are increasingly using evidence to support their claims, what may be more critical in drawing evaluations from fact-checkers is the verifiability of a claim. The implications of consistent fact-checking on the public, political actors, journalism and democracy are discussed. With the revelation that fact-checking can be consistently practiced, localized efforts at fact-checking need encouragement, particularly as political TV ads increasingly drown out other potential sources of information for the public and increasingly are used in downballot races, local initiatives, referendums and judicial races. 相似文献
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State environmental regulators: perspectives about trust with their regulatory counterparts 下载免费PDF全文
Although numerous studies explore the regulatory enforcement styles of regulators and the regulated community's compliance motivations, existing research does not provide adequate insight into regulatory interactions themselves. We use data from a nationwide survey of more than 1200 state environmental regulators to empirically assess the role of trust in regulatory interactions. We find statistical support of trust in these regulatory interactions and find that trust appears to be a function of cooperative behavior, information sharing, respect, perceptions of motivations, and proactive assistance seeking. These findings could support the increasing calls for a fundamental restructuring of environmental regulation in favor of a next‐generation approach to environmental policy that calls for more collaborative working relationships between regulators and their regulatory counterparts. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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In this article, we propose a methodology in order to measure political positioning and constituent perception. Political leaders should be able to effectively define the distinctive characteristics of their political brand and to subsequently utilize the most appropriate mechanisms of communication to promote an accurate perception of political image in the market. The specific aim of this research is to explore interrelations between a political party's positioning in two different periods in order to discover possible discrepancies and changes over time. The official blog of a political party, containing both official communication and the people's feedback, represents a perfect place in which to observe the concepts and the values on which both the political brand identity and image are founded. Leximancer, a content analysis tool, was utilized to analyze communications between a political party leader and his or her constituents. Illustrating the methodology, the blog of Beppe Grillo, founder of the Movimento 5 Stelle is analyzed. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Michael W. Haynes 《政治学》2000,20(2):69-76
Ulrike Marie Meinhof's televised play Bambule was not broadcast for fear that it would elicit sympathy for the terrorist organisation she founded. This is despite there being no justification of violence for political ends. The withholding of funding and sponsorship continued into the late 1980s for works that condemned violence, but which also refused to provide positive support for the anti-terrorist measures of the state. Although understandable when a society is confronted by a crisis such as terrorism, it may hinder both the understanding of the complexities of political violence and debate over the issues it raises. 相似文献
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Jeff Haynes 《Contemporary Politics》2000,6(2):123-141
This article is concerned with democratization in the Third World since the eighties, a period when dozens of Third World countries have undergone at least some democratic change. The article aims to assess the extent of democratic progress across a range of Third World countries and to compare their democratic experiences. The article examines a range of factors which have led to the development of a large number of ‘electoral' democracies which incorporate a number of democratic characteristics but exclude others. The author seeks to explain the emergence of this type of model. 相似文献
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