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141.
This article presents a review of seven guides for gender-equitable value chain development (VCD). The guides advocate persuasively the integration of gender into VCD programming and raise important issues for designing more inclusive interventions. However, gaps persist in their coverage of gender-based constraints in collective enterprises, the influence of norms on gender relations, and processes to transform inequitable relations through VCD. Guidance for field implementation and links to complementary value chain tools are also limited. The article identifies opportunities for conceptual and methodological innovation to address the varying roles, needs, and aspirations of women and men in VCD.  相似文献   
142.
This paper analyses the relationships between HIV/AIDS and education taking into account the appropriative nature of child income. Using a theoretical model, we show that considering remittances from one’s child as an insurance asset can reverse the usual negative relationship between disease prevalence and educational investment. This prediction confirms the results of an empirical study conducted on data compiled from the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) database for 12 sub-Sahara African countries for children aged between 7 and 22-years-old. Using regional HIV prevalence as a measure of health risk, we find that the ‘sign of the slope’ between health risk and the enrolment of children is not constant. Splitting the data based on expected remittance patterns (for example rural versus urban), we obtain that the effect is most likely driven by household characteristics related to child income appropriation.  相似文献   
143.
Over the last decade, trade negotiations with Canada and the United States met with considerable resistance from non-governmental organisations (NGO). Moreover, the negotiation mandates given to the European Commission were so broad as to include topics falling under so-called mixed competence of the EU and the member states, necessitating not only ratification by the EU Council of Ministers and the European Parliament, but also member states’ parliaments. At some point, these two factors almost seemed to paralyze the EU as a trade negotiator. In the end, however, the EU concluded an agreement with Canada, renegotiated its agreement with Mexico (while also concluding agreements with Singapore and Japan amongst others), while negotiations with the US were suspended. Three factors can account for this puzzling combination of apparent incapacity and blockage and surprising resilience of EU trade policymaking. First, the NGO contestation campaigns did not muster pan‐European but rather only varying degrees of support. Second, in addition to scrutiny by the European Parliament, consensus decision-making in the Council fosters accommodation of the demands of all member states. This leads to a low degree of negotiating autonomy on the part of the European Commission, yet large bargaining power for the European Union, as long as the other side wants agreement. Finally, a recent ruling by the Court of the EU facilitated the decoupling of agreements on portfolio investment and investment arbitration (one of the most difficult hurdles), from all other matters of trade and regulatory cooperation, making it easier to reach agreement.  相似文献   
144.
The debate on the responsibility of the writer was, in France as in the USA, an attack against literary and artistic modernism. From Charles Maurras to Irving Babbit, the reaction against modernism presented itself as a defense of classicism and of tradition against romanticism. Far from being politically neutral, this attack identified romanticism with revolution and the destruction of the social order. The opposition between responsibility and freedom structured the debate from the end of the nineteenth century until World War II. The war entailed a loss of autonomy of the literary field which fostered, like during World War I, the imposition of national moralism. In both countries, a debate arose on the question of the responsibility of the writer, but it took a different form. Whereas the opposition between art for art’s sake and responsibility continued to structure it in the USA, the notion of responsibility was appropriated in France by the literary Resistance and redefined by Sartre at the Liberation.  相似文献   
145.
作品的解构     
<正>Lorsqu'apparaít un nouveau nom en littérature,la prudence voudrait qu'on laisse agir le temps pour en appréhender,si ce n'est la pérennité,du moins le sens et les effets sur  相似文献   
146.
<正>HUANG Hong:A l'occasion du centenaire de l'écrivain,vous publiez Castor de Guerre,un portrait de Simone de Beauvoir.Est-ce que ce livre dense pour vous est une dette de jeunesse  相似文献   
147.
Cross-border marriages between Chinese and Japanese over the past twenty years have expanded in scale and taken on new forms. The special case of Japan lies in the implication of local authorities in the promotion of these marriages, locating the matrimonial migratory route at the crossroads of familial migration and work migration from the point of view of both the migrants themselves and the host communities. Marriage migrants in Japan are one of the variations of the transfer of a feminine workforce to ensure reproductive work. While migratory policies in Japan have generally appealed to side doors for unqualified immigration, local authorities have helped create extra side doors via marriage to provide support in the context of the restructuring of reproductive work. Migrant wives also represent a potential salaried foreign workforce especially in peripheral zones which have difficulty attracting migrants. An analysis of the participation of these migrants in both reproductive and productive work (remunerated or not) enables us to better understand the contemporary debate that feminized migratory routes tend to reinforce patriarchal norms.  相似文献   
148.
ABSTRACT

The role of newsmakers as intermediaries in the shaping of external perceptions and reception of narratives advanced by different actors remains sparse in EU studies. This contribution fills this gap and addresses the personal images of the EU of newsmakers. We contribute to the understanding of those personal perceptions and their link to professional values of audience interest, newsworthiness and objectivity in reporting the EU. The article will demonstrate that all journalists perceive EU coverage in their respective locations are led by local priorities. Negative views of the EU as a weakening, biased, ineffective, elitist and arrogant actor are dominant. Arguably, they create conditions for the birth and dissemination of Euro-distant and even Euro-sceptic media narratives. The article will explain why this is the case while drawing on political/ideational and business/financial explanations.  相似文献   
149.
Abstract

Soft law and governance captured the attention of scholars in the 2000s, and new policy challenges and the novel introduction of ‘harder’ elements now drive a (re)turn to these discussions. This article explores the extent to which dynamics leading towards ‘harder soft governance’ (HSG) appear in the EU’s renewable energy governance by comparing the 2020 and 2030 Renewable Energy Directives. Document analysis and interviews reveal a surface-level softening because the new 2030 directive contains no binding national targets for the Member States. An entrepreneurial Commission has been seeking to introduce ‘harder elements’ at the core by focusing on implementation, allowing for potentially deeper influence on the national energy mixes though the Energy Union. Two main factors drive these changes: the evolving international context of climate change governance, as well as re-configurations of the actors in the EU. Future research should explore the effectiveness of emerging HSG in detail.  相似文献   
150.
Ten countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean region joined the European Union in 2004. Two more new members from southeast Europe (Bulgaria and Romania) joined in January 2007. Given the diverse range of political, economic, social, and cultural contexts of these nations, EU enlargement and integration processes have entered a new phase of complexity. In this article, I analyze the cultural policy developments in eight of the new EU member states (the Czech Republic, Estonia, Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia), examine in detail state and nonstate cultural funding patterns, and assess the influence of EU policy—especially with regard to the Culture Program, Structural Funds, and European cultural cooperation initiatives—for its impact on cultural policy development in the new member states. Next, I discuss the new forms of pan-European cultural cooperation, focusing on the development of networks, foundation initiatives, and observatories. Finally, I explore issues in development of cultural policy in the new member states and conclude with recommendations for the future of the enlarged EU.  相似文献   
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