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131.
In a pre/post quasi-experimental study assessing the impact of a specific curriculum on critical thinking, the authors employed a critical thinking curriculum in two sections of a U.S. foreign policy class. The authors found that the interactive and scaffolded critical thinking curriculum yielded statistically significant critical thinking increases for students scoring below average on the pretest. Within a discussion of the overall need for strengthening critical thinking in higher education, the authors demonstrate that the study’s findings support the developmental process of acquiring critical thinking, and illustrate that early jumps in critical thinking can be achieved within one semester. Additionally, the results point to the need for more long-term approaches to assess larger increases for those scoring above average. 相似文献
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Natalie Fenton 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(1):81-85
Transnational media corporations now wield enormous power and influence. Never has this been displayed so starkly and so shockingly as in the revelations that emerged during the Leveson Inquiry into the culture and ethics of the press in the UK. This paper considers the implications of the relationship between media elites and political elites for democratic culture and media reform. The paper argues that the culture of press–politician mutual interest in which media executives and party leaders collude will continue as long as the solutions proffered focus on the ethical constraints of professional journalists rather than wider structural issues relating to plurality of ownership and control and funding of news in the public interest. 相似文献
134.
International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique - This paper assesses the extent to which enhancing a penalty for hate crimes is a necessity. It... 相似文献
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In a series of cross-cultural experiments, we explore whether mentioning President Obama’s middle name facilitates or impedes his delicate position as a peace broker. Our results show that including Obama’s middle name affects perceptions of Obama and his proposals for the Middle East among Israeli Jews and Israeli Arabs. We examine whether the use of Obama’s middle name inspires the same reactions in the United States by replicating the study among those who sympathize with Israelis and those who sympathize with Palestinians. Results show that the effect of Obama’s middle name differs in the United States. This study has important implications, not only for the President Obama’s standing in the Arab world and for the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, but also for our understanding of subtle ethnic cues and biases across cultural contexts. 相似文献
137.
Ericka N. L'Abbé Ph.D. Michael Kenyhercz M.S. Kyra E. Stull M.S. Natalie Keough M.S. Stephen Nawrocki Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(6):1579-1583
Using discriminant function analysis, classification accuracies for ancestry and sex in white and black South Africans were compared using North American (FDB), African groups in Howells (HDB), and South African (SADB) databases in FORDISC 3.0. (FD3). Twenty‐four standard linear measures were collected from a total of 86 black and 101 white crania obtained from the Pretoria Bone Collection. White and black South Africans classified 73% correctly in FDB, 55% correctly in HDB, and 71% correctly in SADB. The percentage of atypical cases was higher with FDB than SADB. In all three databases, misclassification occurred more with sex than ancestry revealing differences in sexual dimorphism between population groups. Broad ancestral differences may explain low misclassification rates for ancestry. FD3, with a modern South African reference sample, can assist South African anthropologists to standardize methodology and to justify procedures for estimating ancestry. 相似文献
138.
Natalie C. Girke 《European Security》2013,22(4):509-524
The mediation efforts of the European Union (EU) Delegation in Yemen started with the uprising in 2011 which led to the conclusion of the National Dialogue Conference in 2014. This article examines the EU's understanding of mediation vis-à-vis its practice. The case of Yemen lends itself to trace EU mediation capabilities from the implementation of the “Concept on Strengthening Mediation and Dialogue Capacities” to a more systematic approach because the Mediation Support Team (MST) of the European External Action Service took office in 2011. Building on an analytical framework of mediation as a tool of EU foreign policy, this article demonstrates how EU mediation presents itself along a political and a technical dimension. The collaboration of the MST and the EU Delegation personnel in Yemen fostered an increase in mediation awareness. However, it could not develop its full potential as the UN Special Advisor sidelined the EU and other members of the Group of Ten Ambassadors through his proactive approach. Despite those difficulties of standing up to established actors in the field, this study argues that EU mediation is about balancing its political and technical dimension. For now, the political seems to outweigh the craft of mediation in the case of Yemen. 相似文献
139.
In 2005 the government of India established Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), a conditional cash transfer programme to increase deliveries in health facilities. We re-examine an influential study published in 2010 on the effect of JSY on reproductive health coverage indicators and perinatal and neonatal mortality. We find the original authors’ results to be replicable and robust to various changes in model specifications and analysis. Through the use of multilevel models, we find meaningful heterogeneity across states and districts in the effects of JSY on the probabilities of in-facility delivery and skilled birth attendance, and neonatal mortality rates. 相似文献
140.