Philosophical Interpretation in the Work of Michael Walzer

Walzer's work has been criticised by liberal writers on the grounds of its interpretive underpinnings, which have been equated with communitarianism. Theorists working in branches of radical political theory (such as feminism, critical theory or post-structuralism) have generally accepted this criticism and considered Walzer's work excessively conservative. Its influence on radical political theory has therefore been abbreviated. But the contention of this article is that, properly understood, the grounds on which Walzer takes issue with objectivist liberalism closely resemble those advanced within radical political theory, and therefore his work can be rescued from its conservative associations.     

Verursacht Globalisierung die Krise des Wohlfahrtsstaates?

Wirtschaftliche Globalisierung bezieht sich auf drei miteinander zusammenhängende Prozesse: 1. das Wachstum der Weltwirtschaft; 2. den Wandel in den Beziehungen zwischen den Ländern der ?ersten“ und ?dritten“ Welt, der sich aus dem Einsatz von Informationstechnologien zur Reorganisation der Produktion sowohl auf nationaler wie globaler Ebene ergibt; 3. die Integration der Weltfinanzmärkte. Diese Prozesse werden gemeinhin für die Deindustrialisierung in fortgeschrittenen Wohlfahrtsstaaten, die Zunahme der Einkommensungleichheiten und jenen Druck verantwortlich gemacht, unter dem Wohlfahrtsregime Arbeitnehmerschutz und Unterstützungsleistungen transformieren sollen. Ich zeige, dass die Veränderungen innerhalb der Weltwirtschaft viel kleiner, unspektakulärer sind als die Globalisierungsthese behauptet und das Ausmaß je nach Gesellschaft variiert. Wichtiger noch: Zwischen der Globalisierung und ihren mutmaßlich negativen Konsequenzen bestehen bestenfalls schwache Zusammenhänge. Die Rhetorik der Globalisierung hat eher mit den USA und den Veränderungen innerhalb ihrer politischen Ökonomie zu tun als mit Veränderungen des Welthandels. Abschließend werden die daraus sich ergebenden Auswirkungen auf Westeuropa diskutiert.     

China's political discourse towards the 21st century: Victimhood, identity, and political power

Political discourse is critical to the legitimisation of China's ruling elite and critically informs its formulation and execution of political action. This study explores the theme of victimhood in China's contemporary political discourse. The constructed nature of political discourse—the ‘official story’ in Benedict Anderson's phrase—draws upon a range of supporting sources. Of central importance is the role of history and one of its key features is the portrayal of China as victim. This offers a distinctive pole of identificatory attachment for the construction of a modernist reading of national Chinese political identity. The study conducts discourse analyses of three primary texts. It is concluded that objectified discursive power remains an influential factor in Chinese politics. “Without legitimacy, words are invalid; invalid words lead man to nowhere” (Mingbuzheng zhe yanbushun; yanbushun zhe shibucheng)—Confucius This paper was presented at the 10th Anniversary Conference of the American Association of Chinese Studies, Washington D.C., 16–17 April 1999. The authors would like to thank their panel discussants, Professor Peter Li and Dr. Gary Rawnsley, for their comments and suggestions on this paper.     

Regulation and the Role of Trust: Reflections from the Mining Industry

The role of prosecution in achieving compliance with social regulation is a highly contentious issue, nowhere more so than with regard to work-related injury and death in the New South Wales mining industry. Following a mining disaster, political pressure prompted the mines inspectorate to abandon its traditional 'advise and persuade' approach in favour of a much tougher, deterrence-oriented approach. Our field-work suggests that while the former approach can result in regulatory capture, the latter can be equally counterproductive. In the mining industry, interactions between inspectors and the regulated industry are frequent and ongoing and trust is central to constructive relations. When those relations break down (as under an inappropriate prosecution policy) then dialogue ceases, information is withheld rather than shared, in-firm accident investigation, prevention, and remedial action are inhibited and both sides retreat to a form of adversarialism that undermines regulatory effectiveness. Through a 20-year case study of the mines inspectorate, the article demonstrates the centrality of trust to regulatory effectiveness, how it can be lost, and how it can best be regained.     

Shadow Writing and Participant Observation: A Study of Criminal Justice Social Work Around Sentencing

The study of decision‐making by public officials in administrative settings has been a mainstay of law and society scholarship for decades. The methodological challenges posed by this research agenda are well understood: how can socio‐legal researchers get inside the heads of legal decision‐makers in order to understand the uses of official discretion? This article describes an ethnographic technique the authors developed to help them penetrate the decision‐making practices of criminal justice social workers in writing pre‐sentence reports for the courts. This technique, called ‘shadow writing’, involved a particular form of participant observation whereby the researcher mimicked the process of report writing in parallel with the social workers. By comparing these ‘shadow reports’ with the real reports in a training‐like setting, the social workers revealed in detail the subtleties of their communicative strategies embedded in particular reports and their sensibilities about report writing more generally.     

Federalism and government regulation: the case of the Canadian insurance industry 1927–34

Abstract. Federalism poses special problems for the regulatory activities of the state. In Canada, federal and provincial governments have frequently disagreed over which could best exercise such controls, keeping in mind not only the public interest but also the needs of the private parties involved. The business of insurance is a case in point. The decisions of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council confirmed that the provinces had important powers to regulate the writing of insurance. Yet Ottawa argued that protection of policyholders and considerations of economy and efficiency required uniform national standards. The provinces pointed instead to the greater simplicity and responsiveness of local control as well as to the steadily diminishing sphere of constitutional authority possessed by the central government. This conflict came to a head between 1927 and 1934 when the Insurance Superintendents of Ontario and Quebec led the resistance to the activities of the federal Insurance Department. Support for the provincial bureaucrats came from reciprocal and mutual insurers, while the joint-stock life insurance companies backed Ottawa. Indeed, these private interests used the federal-provincial conflict to seek special favours from the regulatory agencies. The dispute ended because politicians concluded that little was to be gained from the continuation of bureaucratic competition. Sommaire. Le fédéralisme pose des problèmes particuliers pour les activités de contrôle de l'Etat. Au Canada, les gouvernements federal et provinciaux se sont souvent trouvés en désaccord au sujet de la question de savoir à qui il était préférable de confier l'exercice de ces contrôles, gardant à l'esprit non seulement l'intérêt public, mais aussi les besoins des intérêts privés en cause. Le secteur des assurances constitute un exemple particulièrement bien choisi. Les décisions du Comité judiciaire du Conseil privé ont confirmé que les provinces disposaient de pouvoirs importants pour réglementer l'établissement des contrats d'assurance. Ottawa a cependant fait valoir que la protection des détenteurs de polices ainsi que des considerations d'économie et d'efficacité nécessitent l'application de normes uniformes à l'échelle nationale. Les provinces ont, de leur côté, attiré l'attention sur la simplicité accrue et la rapidité d'application des mesures de contrôle local, ainsi que sur les pouvoirs constitutionnels de plus en plus restreints dont dispose le gouvernement central. Ce conflit a atteint son point culminant entire 1927 et 1934, lorsque les Surintendants des assurances de l'Ontario et du Québec ont pris la tête d'un mouvement de résistance aux activités du ministère fédéral des assurances. Les compagnies qui offraient des assurances réciproques et mutuelles ont appuyé les bureaucrates provinciaux, tandis que les compagnies d'assurance-vie par actions ont soutenu Ottawa. En fait, ces intérêts privés ont exploité le conflit federal-provincial pour essayer d'obtenir un traitement de faveur de la part des organismes de contrôle. Le différend a pris fin le jour où les hommes politiques ont conclu que l'on n'avait rien à gagner de la poursuite des affrontements bureaucratiques.     

The Drug Court as Postmodern Justice

The drug court is far more than a new version of the old drug-diversion idea. It is a fundamental embodiment of postmodern justice and represents a paradigm shift from criminal court practices. This article compares the drug court to the criminal court in terms of the dimensions of the modernism-postmodernism debate as specified in legal research and public policy scholarship. First, the courts are differentiated in terms of their worldviews, ideas on the nature of society, definitions of truth, and conceptions of the foundation of law. Next, the drug court and criminal court jurisprudence are juxtaposed. Specific dimensions include their collaborative versus adversarial systems and the individualized versus the due process framework. Finally, the two courts are considered in terms of their divergent visions of the drug user. Upon analysis, it appears that the two courts are in an intractable ideological disagreement framed by competing modern versus postmodern intellectual dispositions.